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W. H. D. ROUSE, M.A. 





Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & Co. 
At the Ballantyne Press 


THE printed books dealing with Rugby School are the 
following : 

Rugby School Register, Annotated. Vol. i. 1675-1849 ; vol. ii. 
1850-74; vol. iii. 1875-87. Naval and Military Records 
of Rugbeians (London : Simpkin, Marshall). Rugbeians in 
the Crimea. 

Carlisle's Endowed Grammar Schools (short sketch). London : 
Baldwin, 1818. 

Nicholas's History of Rugby (the latter part speaks of the School). 

The History of the Colleges of Winchester, Eton, and Westminster, 
with the Charter House, the Schools of St. Paul's, Merchant 
Taylor's, Harrow, and Rugby, and the Free School of Christ's 
Hospital [Ackermann's Public Schools]. London : Ackermann, 
1816. Illustrated. 

Memorials of Rugby, drawn from Nature and on Stone, hy C. W. 
Radclyffe. Rugby : Crossley, 1843. Plates, with some 
descriptive letterpress. 

The Book of Rugby School. Rugby : Crossley & Billington, 1856. 

The Public Schools, by the author of Etonia. London : Black- 
wood, 1867. 

Great Public Schools: Howard Stanton. London: Sampson Low, 

Rugby, the School and Neighbourhood. Collected papers of 
Matthew Holbeche Bloxam, edited by the Rev. W. H. Payne 
Smith. London : Whittaker, 1889. 

The following bibliography of Rugby School in periodi- 
cal literature may be interesting. 

Nimrod's Life and Times. Erasers Magazine, 1842, ii. 

" A Visit to Rugby." Blackwood's Magazine, May 1862. 



" Football at Rugby, Eton, and Harrow." London Society, 

March 1864. 
" The Public Schools Report : Harrow and Rugby." Blackwood'x 

Magazine, August 1864. 
"A Match on the Old Big Side at Rugby." London Society, 

December 1867. 
"Two Addresses by the Dean of Westminster. I. John 

Bunyan ; II. Arnold and Rugby " (delivered in Rugby 

School Chapel,, June 12, 1874). Macmillans Magazine, July 

"Recollections of Rugby under Dr. Tait." Leisure Hour, 

March 20, 1875. 
"An Old Rugby School List" (June 1841), by J. W. Sherer 

Sime. May 1879. 
" Experiences of a Day-boy at a Public School (Rugby). Mac- 

millan's Magazine, March 1885. 
"The Head-mastership of Rugby." Spectator, November 20, 

"A Rugby Ramble" (illustrated), by H. A. Newton. English 

Illustrated, August 1888. 

" Rugby, Arnold and Arnoldism," by Oscar Browning. Educa- 
tion, December 1890. 
"Rugby School" (illustrated), by Judge Hughes arid H. L. 

Warner. English Illustrated, October 1891. 
" Games at Rugby School " (illustrated), by L. Knowles. English 

Illustrated, November 1891. 
"Rugby School" (illustrated), by W. C. Sargent. Ludgate 

Monthly, October 1892. 

" Music at Rugby." Magazine of Music, January 1894. 
" Rugby and Oxford, 1830-50," by Dean Lake. Good Words, 

October 1895. 
" Memories of Arnold and Rugby Sixty Years ago," by a Member 

of the School in 1835, 1836, 1837. Parents Review, Novem- 
ber 1895 ; January, March, April, 1896. 
" Tom Hughes and Arnold," by Lionel A. Tollemache. Journal 

of Education, July 1896. 
" Rugby School." Public School Magazine, May 1898. 


Unfortunately none of these have any critical value 
for the early history. The Register (at least the first 
volume) is not reliable, even in the transcription of 
names; and in the dates and names of the masters are 
many mistakes. The others, all with one possible excep- 
tion (Nicholas's History of Rugby), derive from one 
source, one copying from another without verification. 
The reader must therefore be warned that for the first 
two hundred years of the School's history none of the 
books can be trusted. No systematic search has hitherto 
been made, even among the documents preserved at 
Rugby; and with the exception of the Founder's Will 
and Intent (which have been frequently reprinted), the 
few documents which are given contain many and serious 
mistakes. For this period, then, I have no obligation 
to own to these books, but rather the reverse. On the 
other hand, for the later history I desire to make the 
fullest and most grateful acknowledgment to Mr. M. H. 
Bloxam's Rugby. Mr. Bloxam had first-hand evidence 
from his father, beginning in 1777, and his own memory 
went back to the early years of the century ; for all that 
relates to the last hundred years or so I have drawn freely 
upon his gathered stores. 

I do not flatter myself that there are no mistakes in 
this book, but I have endeavoured in all cases to make 
no statement without giving an exact reference to my 
authority. Since much of what follows is new, or con- 
tradicts preconceived ideas, I have given in an Appendix 
the chief of the documents newly discovered ; and if any 


reader disagrees with my conclusions, he has it in his 
power without much trouble to confirm or to refute them. 

I wish to thank Messrs. Duckworth for the readiness 
with which they allowed me to add the somewhat bulky 
Appendix. This by no means exhausts the documents 
which are important for the school history, but the most 
important are there. Perhaps it may be possible some 
day to issue a companion volume containing the rest, or 
to add them in a future edition. If this book should 
come into the hands of old Rugbeians in any of the 
government offices where manuscripts are kept, may I 
urge upon them the pious duty of trying to fill up the 
many gaps which still remain? Although I have spent 
a great deal of time in examining the chaotic catalogues 
of the Record Office and Somerset House, it is quite 
likely that other records of Rugby exist there; not to 
mention the British Museum, and other libraries, public 
and private, or the Warwickshire muniment rooms. If 
any who are interested in the matter would communicate 
with me, I should be most grateful. 

In conclusion, I have to thank several friends for help 
kindly given. To Dr. James I owe it that permission 
was obtained to inspect the Trustees' Books and Papers 
at Rugby; and Mr. C. F. Harris has assisted me with 
great readiness in many ways. Mr. G. F. Bradby and 
Mr. Moms Da vies, and especially Mr. H. T. Rhoades, 
have also been ready with help or candid criticism, both 
equally acceptable. Two present members of the School, 
Mr. H. C. Brentnall and Mr. K. Lucas, have kindly 


allowed me to examine some of the school records which 
they have in charge. 

Many of the illustrations are reproduced or drawn 
by Miss Helen James, from the photographs of George 
A. Dean, High Street, Rugby, whom I desire hereby to 
thank ; and I owe a similar acknowledgment to E. H. 
Speight, Dunchurch Road, Rugby, for the photograph 
of a Table -top. Other illustrations come from the 
beautiful etchings of E. J. Burrow, published by Messrs. 
W. H. Beynon & Co., Cheltenham, or from old books and 
engravings. The sketches on pages 135 and 233 were 
kindly drawn for me by members of the School, C. V. 
Lanyon and A. A. Clarence. 



D D 




























IN 1843 Frontispiece 

BROWNSOVER PARSONAGE .... To face page 11 
ING PROPERTIES MADE ABOUT 1749 . . page 107 


RUGBY SCHOOL, 1809, FROM THE CLOSE . . page 132 



THE CLOISTERS . . . To face page 158 


BY T. WILSON, 1750 page 197 

THE QUADRANGLE, 1816 ,,199 

TURRET OF THE BIRCHING SCHOOL . . . To face page 201 
INTERIOR OF BIG SCHOOL, 1816 . . . . page 203 

THOMAS ARNOLD To face page 220 




WEST To face page 230 




LIBRARY To face page 234 





TABLE TOP To face page 305 

NEW BIG SCHOOL page 307 


SCHOOLHOUSE To face page 312 






TO-DAY To face page 339 



Page 34. Edward Rolston is stated in the Diocesan Registers of 
London to have been born at Wemswood, Leics., and was 
ordained deacon in London, April 1579, aged thirty-three. 



LAWRENCE SHERIFFE, the founder of Rugby School, like 
the founders of Harrow and of the Charterhouse, was a 
man of no exalted station in life. The very names of 
his parents are unknown. It is probable, however, that 
they belonged to the yeoman class; they were certainly 
held in some consideration, for at their death they were 
buried within the parish church of Rugby. The Sheriffes 
intermarried with a family named Howkins, which be- 
longed to Rugby or the immediate neighbourhood. This 
family appears to have been well-to-do, and some of 
them died possessed of much property. So far as it 
goes, this is another indication that the parents of 
Lawrence Sheriffe were not of the humblest class. When 
Lawrence Sheriffe was born, and where, we have no 
exact knowledge. Local tradition points to an old house 
in Brownsover, a village two miles from Rugby, as the 
Founder's birthplace ; which tradition in the last century 
was commonly believed, and in the Trustees 1 Books the 
same is assumed to be true. 1 Against this we must set 
1 e.g. Order of June 1, 1847. 


the evidence of a petition drawn up in 1641, in which 
the Founder is stated to have been born in Rugby. 1 
Moreover, as we shall soon see that Lawrence Sheriffe 
himself bought the house at Brownsover, which previously 
was monastic property, it is hardly likely he was born 
there. Thus the only direct evidence, set down at a 
time when some may have been alive who had seen 
him, and many who had spoken of him with those that 
knew him well, makes for the belief that in Rugby he was 
indeed born. With this jumps also the choice of Rugby 
for his Free Grammar School; for else there was little 
or nothing to choose between Rugby and Clifton, New- 
bold or Brownsover. As regards the date of his birth, 
the terms of his will show that he was not an old man 
in 1567, but still hoped to live and himself carry out 
his long meditated scheme. His sister, however, was 
old enough to have borne a son in or about the year 
1532. 2 Lawrence Sheriffe must accordingly have been 
born early in the reign of Henry VIII. As he 
ended his apprenticeship in 1541, the year can hardly 
have been later than 1518 ; and taking his sister's 
age into account, we may put it provisionally in 1515 
or 1516. 

Of his early days and his education, we know nothing. 
Even if his father was not a poor man, there must have 
been little schooling to be had at a village like Rugby. 
His energy and success in after life show that he would 
have profited by a good education ; and surely it is not 

1 Bloxam, Rugby, p. 34. 2 Anthony Howkins. See Appendix. 


fanciful to assume that it may have been an eagerness for 
learning, balked by circumstances, which suggested to him 
the founding of a school in his native place. Be this how 
it may, his father clearly was not ambitious for his son 
to rise out of his own rank in life, and contented him- 
self with apprenticing him to William Walcott, 1 a grocer 
of London. In 1541, the year when Henry VIII. was 
acknowledged King of Ireland, Lawrence Sheriffe was 
admitted to the freedom of the Worshipful Company 
of Grocers. If he had been seven years apprentice, 2 we 
cannot go far wrong in placing his birth within the 
period above suggested. From this time we lose sight 
of him for many years. He plied his trade with success, 
as we shall see ; but of his private life we know nothing. 
We may amuse ourselves by imagining him sharing in 
the public functions of the Grocers 1 Company. Once a 
year, in the month of May, this Mystery was wont to 
assemble for a feast or " mangerie," whither the wardens 
came " wyth garlonds on their hedes"; when the three 
wardens for the ensuing year were chosen. 3 Or if one 
of the fraternity was to be buried, Sheriffe was in duty 
bound to attend his dirge and funeral, under pain of 
being fined twelvepence. 4 

Ten years after his admission to this fraternity we 

1 Records of the Grocers' Company, Feb. 2, 1541. 

2 This is not over the mark. Barnard Field seems to have been 
apprentice nine years. See Appendix. 

3 Ordinances of 1376 : Some Account of the Worshipful Company of 
Grocers, by J. B. Heath. Privately printed, London, 1829, p. 57. 

4 Op, cit., p. 49. 


find Lawrence Sheriffe supplying grocery and spicery to 
the Princess Elizabeth, then about eighteen years of age, 
and residing at Hatfield. 1 The sums disbursed to him were 
considerable, varying from seventeen shillings to seventeen 
pounds. Of " spicery " that is what are called on the 
Continent " Colonial wares " Sheriffe, it would appear, 
was the purveyor by appointment, so that he must have 
used those ten years well. Shortly after came Mary's 
accession, and Wyatfs rebellion, which brought Eliza- 
beth to the Tower, and would have been the undoing 
of her but for lack of evidence. In connection with 
this, we have the one glimpse of Sheriffe the man, 
which fortune has vouchsafed to give. This is an in- 
cident recorded in Foxe's Book of Martyrs, 2 and as it 
is highly characteristic, I make no apology for quoting 
it entire : 

Although this historic following be not directly appertain- 
ing to the former matter, yet the same may here not unaptly 
be inserted, for that it doth discover and shew forth the 
malicious hearts of the Papists towards this vertuous Queene 
our Sovereigne Lady in the time of Queene Marie her sister, 
which is reported as a truth credibly told by sundrie honest 
persons of whome some are yet alive, and doe testify the 
same. The matter whereof is this. 

Soon after the stir of Wiat and the troubles that 

1 Camdcn Miscellany, ii. 10-13. 

2 Foxe, Acts and Monuments, iii. 951 ; quoted in the History of 
Ru'jby, 1816, and elsewhere. The first to discover it seems to have 
been Dr. James (Head-master 1778-94), who put the reference in the 
first volume of the MS. Register. 


happened to this Queene for that cause, it fortuned to one 
Robert Farrer a haberdasher of London dwelling neare to 
Newgate Market, in a certaine morning to be at the Rose 
Taverne (from whence he was seldome absent), and falling to 
his common drinke, as he was ever accustomed, and having 
in his com panic three other companions like to himselfe, 
it chanced the same time one Laurence Shiriffe Grocer, 
dwelling also not farre from thence, to come into the sayd 
Taverne, and finding there the sayd Farrer (to whom of long 
time hee had borne good will), sate downe in the seate to 
drinke with him. And Farrer being in his full cups, and 
not having consideration who were present, began to talke at 
large, and namely, against the Lady Elizabeth, and said : 
That Jill hath been one of the chief doers of this rebellion 
of Wiat, and before all be done, she and all the heretikes her 
partakers shall well understand it. Some of them hope that 
she shall have the crown, but she and they (I trust) that so 
hope, shall hop headlesse, or be fried with faggots before she 
come to it. 

The foresayd Laurence Shiriffe Grocer being then ser- 
vant to the Lady Elizabeth and sworn unto her Grace, 
could no longer forbeare his old acquaintance and neighbour 
Farrer in speaking so unreverently of his Mistresse, but sayd 
unto him : Farrer I have loved thee as a neighbour, and have 
had a good opinion of thee ; but, hearing of thee that I now 
hear, I defie thee, and tell thee, I am her Graces sworne ser- 
vant, and shee is a princess, and the daughter of a Noble 
King ; and it ill becometh thee to call her a Jill ; and for 
thy so saying, I say thou art a knave, and I will complain 
upon thee. Doe thy worst, sayd Farrer, for that I said I will 
say againe ; and so Shiriffe came from his company. 

Shortly after the said Shiriffe, taking an honest neighbor 
with him, went before the Commissioners to complaine ; 


the which Commissioners sate then at Boner the Bishop of 
Londons house beside Pauls ; and there were present Boner, 
then being the chiefe Commissioner, the Lord Mordant, sir 
John Baker, Dr. Darbishire chancellor to the Bishop, Doctor 
Storie, Doctor Harpsfield, and other. 

The aforesayd Shiriffe comming before them, declared the 
manner of the said Rob. Farrers talk against the Lady Eliza- 
beth. Boner answered, Peradventure you tooke him worse 
than hee meant. Yea, my lord, said Doctor Storie, if you 
knew the man as I doe, you would say there is not a better 
Catholike, nor a honester man in the City of London. 

Well, sayd Shiriffe, my Lord, shee is my gracious Lady and 
Mistresse, and it is not to be suffered that such a varlet as hee 
is should call so honourable a Princesse by the name of a 
Jill : And I saw yesterday in the Court that my Lord Cardi- 
nall Poole, meeting her in the Chamber of Presence, kneeled 
down on his knees and kissed her hand ; and I saw also that 
King Philip meeting her, made her such obeysance, that his 
knee touched the ground ; and then me thinketh it were too 
much to suffer such a Varlet as this is, to call her a Jill, and 
to wish them to hop headlesse that shall wish her Grace to 
enjoy the possession of the Crowne, when God shall send it 
unto her, as in the right of her inheritance. Yea, stay there, 
quoth Bonner. When God sendeth it unto her, let her enjoy 
it. But truly (said he) the man that spake the words you 
have reported, meant nothing against the Lady Elizabeth 
your mistresse, and no more do we : but he like an honest and 
zealous man feared the alteration of religion, which every good 
man ought to fear ; therefore (said Boner), good man, goe your 
waies home and report well of us toward your mistresse, and we 
will send for Farrer and rebuke him for his rash and undiscreet 
words, and we trust he will not do the like again. And thus 
Shiriffe came away, and Farrer had a flap with a Foxe taill. 


Such is the story ; and slight as it is, there is enough 
to show the courage and faithfulness of Lawrence Sheriffe. 
He was not afraid of championing a fallen cause, and 
refused to hear abuse of his mistress even from an inti- 
mate friend. More, he bearded Bonner in his den, and 
forced the authorities to take some notice of the offence. 
Bonners tone is contemptuous enough, and probably the 
matter went no further ; but at any rate Sheriffe. showed 
himself to be made of sterling stuff. It should be noted 
that he speaks of what he saw at court ; so Mary's acces- 
sion did not materially affect his prosperity. 

In the same year, 1554, Lawrence Sheriffe was elected 
on to the Livery of the Grocers 1 Company, 1 and we hear 
no more of him for a time. The Grocers 1 Company in 
1556 officially recognised the Roman Catholic faith as 
restored by Mary. On Sunday, June 8 of that year, " my 
maistres the Aldermen, the Wardeyns, and the hole 
Liverie, assembled at their comon house, called Grocers 1 
Hawll, and from thens they went to their churche, called 
St. Steven's, Wallbrooke ; where they heard dirge songe ; 
and that being ended, they returned to their sayde Hawll, 
where they drank according to their olde custome ; and 
after, as many as were members, went to the election of 
their new Wardeyn." On the day following, the whole 
Livery came to the Hall at ten o'clock in the morning, 
and again went to St. Stephen's, when a sermon was 
preached by Mr. Christopher, " and the masse of Requiem 
songe by note ; " after which they returned to the Hall for 
1 See Appendix. 


dinner. The Wardens were then elected, and were desired 
to provide " an honest preste of goode fame," to wait upon 
the Livery when they attended funerals, or on other 
occasions " where he might be needed." Their nominee 
was disallowed by Bonner, which probably implies that he 
was not considered a good Catholic ; and they were forced 
to appoint a sound man to their rectory of St. Stephen's. 
This goes to show that their conversion was no more 
than skin deep. Whether Lawrence Sheriffe was present 
on these occasions we cannot say; but to judge from 
what we know of his leanings, he will have preferred to 
pay the fine. 

But we can have no doubt that he was present at 
another ceremony three years later, when Elizabeth had 
restored the Protestant religion. On April 5, 1559, the 
Company again went in state to St. Stephen's to hear 
divine service, and on the next day to a " solemne sermon," 
after which Holy Communion was administered to the 
members. 1 We may believe he was one of the pageant 
displayed on July 12 of that year by the twelve chief 
City Companies. 2 Fourteen hundred men were sent by 
them to be mustered before the Queen in Greenwich 
Park, of whom eight hundred were pikemen in bright 
armour, four hundred harquebusiers in mail and helmets, 
and two hundred halberdiers in German rivets. They 
were attended by twenty-eight whifflers, richly dressed, 
and led by the twelve chief wardens of these companies, 

Account of the Grocers' Company, p. 62. 
IStowe's Annals, quoted in the Account, p. 64. 


well mounted, and dressed in black velvet, with six ensigns 
in white satin, faced with black sarsnet, and rich scarfs. 
To this company the Grocers were required to send " 190 
personnes, apte and picked men ; whereof 60 to be with 
calyvers, flaskes, touche-boxes, morions, swords, and 
daggers ; 95 to be in corselettes, with halbertes, swordes, 
and daggers." 1 

Lawrence Sheriffe had special cause to rejoice that 
the Queen had come to her own. Elizabeth did not for- 
get the man who was true to her in dark days. In 1559, 
the year after her accession, we find the Heralds'* College 
granting Sheriffe a coat of arms, 2 the same since adopted 
by the School : 

Azure, on a fesse engrailed between three griffins' heads 
erased or, a fleur-de-lis of the first, between two roses gules. 
Crest : a lion's paw erased or, holding a bunch of dates, the 
fruit of the first in pods argent, the stalks and leaves vert. 

This blazon, as has been suggested with much likelihood, 3 
has reference to his calling as a merchant of "spices." 
The griffins (which reappear on the arms granted to the 
Grocers'* Company) hint at the perilous lands in the East, 
with their hidden treasures guarded by dragons; and 
there is no obscurity in the "bunch of dates," which 
symbolise his spicery. This merchant, although now an 

1 Account, p. 65. 

2 His great-nephew, John Howkins, of the Middle Temple, also 
used arms, but how or when obtained is not known. 

3 The Boole of Rugby School, p. 14. 


Esquire, made no attempt to claim gentle birth, and 
clearly felt only an honest pride in his own achievements. 
It was, perhaps, at this period that he took up his abode 
in a house in Newgate Street, just within the gate, where 
he was living in 1564 and in the year of his death. 1 This 
was commonly called the King's Grocer's House, though 
in the years named the rent was paid to Ralph Scroope, 
Esq., for the Benchers of Lincoln's Inn. The house was 
of considerable size, for it was rented at ^6. 13s. 4d. per 
annum, more than half the sum assigned later by Sheriffe 
as his schoolmaster's salary. 

On November 18, 1560, he purchased from one Mr. 
Streete, that field called Conduit Close, in the county of 
Middlesex, which was to play so important a part in the 
history of the School. 2 It was a piece of land measuring 
twenty-four acres, and it cost him 320 ; his wife Eliza- 
beth is mentioned as joint purchaser, so he was already 
married. He continued to follow his merchant's calling ; 
and we can hardly doubt that he still was the Queen's 
Grocer by appointment. 3 In 1562 we find him making 
the Queen a New Year's gift, "a suger loaf, a box of 
ginger, a box of nutmegs, and a pound of cynomon," then 
very precious, in return for which the Queen gives him 
" one gilt salt with a cover," weighing seven ounces. 

About this time we see Lawrence Sheriffe in a new light, 

1 Records of Lincoln's Inn, vol. iii. pp. 348, 358. See the extracts in 
the Appendix. 

2 Trust Papers: No. 1, Copy of the Indenture. 

3 I have found no mention of him, however, by a cursory examina- 
tion of the Exchequer Accounts. 


as a speculator in landed property. Owing to the dissolu- 
tion of the monasteries, there had been a great deal of 
buying and selling in land, and the Crown still had some 
to dispose of. Accordingly, in 1561 we find Lawrence 
Sheriffe and Thomas Reve making application to Queen 
Elizabeth for purchase of eighteen or twenty properties 
situated in several parts of the kingdom Staffordshire, 
Lincoln, Leicester, Surrey, Warwickshire, Lancashire, 
Notts, and Flint. 1 Among these mention is made of 
"tithes and hereditaments in Brownsover, late of the 
Monastery de Prat-is of Leicester." 

The transfer of these lands was accomplished two 
years afterwards. By letters patent bearing date of 
March 17, 5 Elizabeth (1562/3), the Queen, in considera- 
tion of <2243. 11s. 3d., granted to Lawrence Sheriffe 
and Thomas Reve, amongst other things, " all her tithes 
of corn, grain, and hay yearly growing, renewing, and 
increasing within the fields of Brownsover aforesaid, . . . 
and also one messuage and one yard land with the 
appurtenances in Brownsover . . . lately belonging to the 
monastery of Leicester." 2 

This document suggests some interesting considera- 
tions. In the will of Lawrence Sheriffe none of these 
lands are named, excepting this parcel in Brownsover. It 

1 Kecord Office : Particulars of Grants, 4 Eliz. (1561). See 

2 Recited in Chancery Bills and Answers, Charles I. : R. 45/32. 
Bill of Anthony Howkins, Nov. 1G32. The purchase is enrolled in 
Patent Rolls, 4 Elizabeth, Part I. : Lawrence Shryve and Thomas 


seems to follow that he and his partner bought them to 
sell again. However, the bequest to his wife includes all 
and singular other his lands, tenements, and heredita- 
ments, being freehold, set and being in the county of 
Middlesex or elsewhere within the realm of England. 
The only property named in the, will, which would thus 
be left for his wife, is part of a meadow situated outside 
London, and measuring some sixteen acres. It is possible, 
therefore, that he died possessed of some of the lands 
above mentioned. But no lands are specified in Mrs. 
Sheriffe's own will, 1 and the matter remains obscure. 
Lastly comes the question, Who was this Thomas Reve ? 2 
Whatever property was bought by the pair of partners 
was held by them jointly ; and when Thomas Reve died, 
the property passed into the sole possession of Lawrence 
Sheriffe. 3 This is an extraordinary way of doing busi- 
ness, if it was really a business transaction. Had Thomas 
Reve no heirs ? or was he like Melchizedek, a solitary 
figure without visible parents or kindred ? Unless the 

1 She afterwards married a Mr. Clarke, of Bristol, and her will 
may be found in Somerset House under the name of Elizabeth Clarke. 
It is a most extraordinary will. Mrs. Clarke was possessed of a variety 
of cattle and chattels, feather-beds, chests, quilts, and other articles, 
most of which were in the hands of some one else. She generally 
leaves them to those in whose hands they are. She died April 29, 
1579, at her house in London. See also Bloxam, Rugly, p. 13. 

2 A grant of lands in Wiltshire is made to Thomas Reve and George 
Cotton in 1554 (S. P. Dorn., Mary, Catalogue, p. 62). This is the 
only mention of the name I have been able to find, unless it was he 
who sued his own wife on personal matters under Elizabeth (Chanc. 
Proc. Rr. 4, 37). 

3 Bill of Howkins (see above). 


document quoted makes a mistake, I cannot help sus- 
pecting that Thomas Reve and Lawrence Sheriffe were 
in fact kinsmen; and it would not greatly surprise me 
if they turned out to be father and son> who would here 
be associated as the husband and wife were in purchase 
of Conduit Close. This may seem to some readers a 
ridiculous idea ; but none will think so who know how 
irregular were ancient methods of transmitting names 
The name Sheriffe, which is also spelt Shreffe, Shrefe, 
Shreve, Shryve, and Shirreve, is of course only the com- 
pound Shire-reeve; and when this is pointed out, the 
connection with Reve at once becomes clear. Nicholas 
Greenhill, one of the masters of Rugby School, was 
often spoken of in Rugby as Hill ; l but there are closer 
parallels than that. I have met with a case exactly 
similar in a will of the same period, where a father and 
son bear the names of Smith and Rokesmith. 2 I would 
not make too much of this suggestion ; it is nothing 
more than a conjecture, neither supported nor contra- 
dicted by direct evidence. That a father and son might 
have borne these names is all I claim. 

About this time Lawrence Sheriffe made another pur- 
chase which has a more direct interest for this present 

1 e.g., "That he repaired the Schoolehouse 20 tymes whilst Greene 
and Kolph, Hill (who was Schoolemaster in Queene Elizabeths tyme) 
his Successors, were Schoolemasters." Trust Papers, 138, fol. 10. 'Hill 
his successors ' of course means ' Hill's successors.' 

2 It is ten years since I noted this, and the reference is lost. To look 
for a Smith in Somerset House would be to look for a straw in a hay- 
stack. I would have undertaken even this labour if it would have decided 
the point ; but nothing will do this except direct proof or disproof. 


history. He bought clivers messuages in Rugby, opposite 
the parish church, and on the site easternmost of the 
present Almshouses. These cottages, being ancient and 
ruinous, he pulled down ; and at great costs and ex- 
penses of money new builded on the same site a large 
house, which in his will he calls his Mansion House, 1 for 
the school which he intended to found. The document 
from which I take these particulars a Chancery Bill 
indicted by one Anthony Howkins in 1632 goes on to 
say that he also built the Schoolroom and Almshouses. 
That Schoolroom, however, was not finished in 1567, when 
SherinVs will was drawn up, and the Almshouses were still 
not built in 1602 ; so it is probable that Howkins made 
a mistake here. Howkins, when he drew up the Bill, 
was a hundred years old ; and at such an age events in 
the far background are apt to run together in the mind. 
But his statement that Lawrence Sheriffe built this 
Mansion House for the use of the schoolmaster may be 
accepted without hesitation. The received theory is that 
the Mansion House had belonged to SherinVs father, and 
that Lawrence Sheriffe himself was born in it. But this 
theory is absolutely without evidence, and is due to a 
conjecture which was afterwards repeated as if it were 
a proved fact. Even at the age of a hundred, Howkins 
was not likely to say that Lawrence Sheriffe built the 
house he was born in. 2 It is interesting to know that 

1 Anthony Howkins' Bill (see Appendix C). Lawrence Sheriffe seems 
to have lived in this house for a time (see Appendix B). 

2 There are, however, inaccuracies in the document, as will be seen. 


the Mansion House was not a converted dwelling, but was 
built specially for its proper purpose. Furthermore, it 
now becomes easy to understand why the school premises 
carried with them, as they did, the rights of two cottage 
commons in Rugby field. 1 

On August 1, 1562, Sheriffe was "sworne into the 
Assistance" of the Grocers' Company; and four years 
later he was chosen Second Warden. 2 At this time, as 
we learn from his will, he had two "prentices, a man- 
servant, and four maids, two of whom were his own 
nieces. He had a massive gold chain, which he wore on 
state occasions, and rode upon a " grey ambling nagge." 

In 1567 he became seriously ill, and consequently pro- 
ceeded to provide that the scheme for founding a school 
at Rugby, begun by him in the building of the School- 
house, should be carried out, even if he did not live to do 
it. Warned by his illness, he made his will, and set forth 
the long-meditated scheme in a paper called the Intent 
of Lawrence Sheriffe. Of these we shall have occasion 
later to speak more at large. Of the various legacies, we 
need only mention one or two. Money is left for making 
new pews in the parish church of Rugby, which are to 
have the arms of the Grocers carved upon them, together 
with the letters L and S adjoining thereto. 3 The market 
cross is to be repaired, and the same device carved upon 
it. A certain sum is left for the repair of Rugby Bridge 

1 Alluded to in Trustees' Books, Order of Nov. 3, 1778. See also 
Bloxam, Rugly Speech Day in Former Times, p. 5. 

2 See Appendix. 3 See Appendix. 


and Brownsover Bridge. His 'prentices and servants 
are not forgotten. To the Grocers 1 Company he leaves 
\Q. 6s. 8d., half of which is to be spent on providing 
the customary funeral feast. For himself, he desires 
that a funeral service may be performed in London, his 
body then to be carried to Rugby, and there laid in the 
parish church beside his father and mother ; and at his 
burial, alms are to be distributed to the poor. 

From his illness Lawrence Sheriffe must have recovered, 
so far at least as to make the journey to Rugby ; for in 
Rugby we find him a few weeks later. He was still busy 
with the scheme for a school, and there can be no doubt 
that this it was which caused him to undertake a long 
journey in his weakness. No doubt he took a last survey 
of the house he had built, and made such arrangements 
for the future as he could make. The language of the 
Inquisition of 1602 seems to imply that he was inter- 
rupted in some arrangements for building both School 
and Almshouses by the relapse which killed him. If, then, 
he arranged at this time for the Schoolroom to be begun, 
or even began it, the centenarian's memory did not fail 
him after all. While at Rugby, Lawrence Sheriffe added 
a codicil to his will, which has made the fortune of Rugby 
School. A legacy of ^100 had been, under the will, set 
apart for the future School : this legacy was now re- 
voked, and in its stead was bequeathed one-third part of 
Conduit Close, making eight acres or thereabouts. The 
monetary value of this was little more than the original 
legacy, and what his reasons were for the change it is hard 


to conjecture. It may have been due to the way in 
which his project was received; or, again, Sheriffe may 
have seen that income was for his purpose better than 
capital. This piece had originally been left in reversion 
to Bridget, his sister, wife of John Howkins ; and it would 
seem from what happened later that the family were not 
greatly pleased at being deprived of a part of their in- 
heritance. There may have been a family quarrel, and 
Lawrence may have distrusted John Howkins ; at all 
events, he was not one of the trustees appointed to execute 
the intent. A sum of money is more easily frittered away 
than a parcel of land. Some such reasons as these are 
not unlikely to have weighed with Lawrence Sheriffe. 
Yet Howkins witnessed the codicil, so there can have been 
no open breach. Possibly some payment in ready money 
was made, which reconciled Howkins to losing his legacy 
of ^40, receiving instead %6. 13s. 4d. and a black coat. 

Immediately after executing this codicil, Lawrence 
Sheriffe must have returned to London ; and in less than 
three weeks he was dead. Perhaps the journey actually 
cost him his life ; but if so, we may feel sure he would 
not have regretted it had he known what a vast difference 
it was to make for his school. It was long thought that, 
according to the terms of his will, he must have been 
buried at Rugby ; but, in 1864, Mr. Bloxam l discovered 
the entry relating to his burial, and proved that his last 
wish was disregarded. Perhaps we may see in this another 
indication that his family were not pleased with the found- 

/, pp. 14, 15. 


ing of Rugby School. Lawrence SherifFe was buried at the 
Grey Friars' Church (Christ Church), in Newgate Street, 
close by the place where he had spent so much of his life. 
The church was burnt to the ground, all but part of the 
cloisters, in the great fire of 1666 ; but the registers 
fortunately escaped destruction. In the earliest volume 
occurs the entry 

September 1567. 

The xvi. Daye was buryed Mr. Lawrence 

This is the last record of a life nobly dumb, but not 
without deeds. 



B.A., 1580-1581 NICHOLAS GREENHILL, 1581-1604. 

ALTHOUGH, as we have seen, Lawrence Sheriffe during his 
lifetime had possession of a good deal of land, his will 
specifies three parcels of land only. The first of these 
was the Mansion House built by him in Rugby, together 
with the land round it, being altogether one rood thirty 
poles or thereabouts. This house was built on the site of 
certain ancient cottages, and carried with it the cottage 
rights over the common land in Rugby which those 
cottages originally had. Secondly, the parsonage of 
Brownsover, with one yard of glebe land, more or less, 
and the tithes. Thirdly, the field hard by Holborn, some 
half mile outside the city of London, commonly called 
Conduit Close or Conduit Mead. The first two of these 
were left for the use of Rugby School ; and of the last, 
one-third part was so left, the other two-thirds being 
bequeathed to his family. With these two-thirds we 
have no present concern ; and those who are curious in 
the matter may see from his will how they were appor- 
tioned. But it is necessary to examine the way in which 
the school property was tied up. 



It was no great institution which the Founder had 
planned ; and it did not occur to him to create a body 
of Trustees such as that which now manages the Trust. 

To Lawrence Sheriffe it seemed natural to put the 
matter into the hands of persons whom he loved and 
trusted; and for this purpose he chose two "dear 
friends," George Harrison, of London, gentleman, and 
Barnard Field, of London, grocer. The third part of 
Conduit Close, together with all the property in War- 
wickshire, was " bargained and sold " l to them and to 
their heirs for ever, upon such trusts and to such pur- 
poses as were specified in the will of the Founder, and 
in a document styled the Intent of Lawrence Sheriffe. 
But however truly these men might have deserved the 
Founder's confidence (and I shall try to show presently 
that they were not wholly unworthy of it), there was a 
fatal mistake in not providing that these men should 
choose suitable successors, and guarding against the possi- 
bility of all coming into the hands of one man. Along 
with the lives of Harrison and Field must pass away 
the friendship which the Founder depended on ; and it 
was hardly to be expected of human nature that the 
heirs in course of time should not regard the Trust as a 
burden. There would be then a strong temptation for 
any such to use it to their own advantage, not to the pur- 
poses for which it had been given. If the Founder had 
only made the body of Trustees sufficiently large to make 
a fraud unlikely, or only directed that his two friends 
1 Copy of indenture among Trust Papers, No. 1. 


should choose suitable successors, when they by death or 
otherwise must relinquish their trust, troubles and heart- 
burnings infinite would have been spared. There is some 
indication in the terms of the Founder's will that he 
wished Harrison and Field to choose suitable successors; 
but this ought to have been made clearer. 

George Harrison 1 was a gentleman by birth, and 
lived in the parish of St. Andrew's, Holborn not far, 
that is to say, from Conduit Close. He was a rich 
man, possessing an estate in St. Giles's in the Fields, 
"houses, lands, tenements and hereditaments, rents, 
plate and jewels," besides other properties of various 
kinds. He and his wife Elizabeth were childless, but 
he had several relations of his own name. He was not 
only rich, and so much the less likely to be tempted by a 
paltry paddock, but appears to have been of a kindly 
and charitable disposition. If he was not, he and his 
wife could not have agreed very well ; for a great part 
of her will is taken up with charitable legacies. Mrs. 
Harrison by her will founded a kind of almshouse on 
her own account, to last out the lease of her dwelling- 
house, which had forty-eight years to run. She provided 
for the shelter and clothing of thirteen " poore ould men " 
and thirteen "poore ould weemen." The men were to 
receive a frieze gown in one year, and a canvas shirt 
in the next ; the women, smocks of canvas and other 
materials not familiar to the male intellect. Mrs. Harri- 

1 These details I have found out from his will in Somerset House 
(Book Rowe, f ol. 10), and his wife's ( Windsor, 68). 


son gives the minutest directions as to price, quality, and 
quantity of these materials. She also bequeaths five 
pounds each to the "poor of Christ's Hospital, and the 
poor prisoners of Ludgate, Newgate, King's Bench, and Mar- 
shalsea." We may assume, then, that the husband of this 
charitable dame was a man of honour, and that Lawrence 
SherinVs good judgement did not fail him in this choice. 

Barnard Field, the second trustee, has a greater in- 
terest for our present purpose. He had been Lawrence 
SherinVs own apprentice, 1 and, to judge from the date of 
his apprenticeship, 1542, was probably the first ever bound 
to Sheriffe. His master must have had every opportunity 
of testing his character during the next nine years, at the 
end of which time he seems to have set up business on his 
own account. Nor did he confine his energies to grocery 
and spicery; he had large dealings in merchandise of 
other sorts. So much we may infer from a petition which 
was presented to the Queen soon after the year 1567, the 
same year in which Lawrence Sheriffe died. 2 This is 
drawn up in the name of eight merchants, one of them 
being Barnard Field, who had a grievance against the 
King of Barbary. This potentate appears to have had 
a dislike, or perhaps too cordial a liking, for what was 
"commonly called brown-blue cloth," and in 1567 he 
declared that all such cloth that found its way into his 

1 Bound to him, February 1, 1542 ; Freeman of the Brotherhood, 
1551 ; Livery, May 9, 1567. From the Books of the Worshipful Company 
of Grocers. See Appendix. 

2 State Papers : Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xliv. No. 63 (Record 


dominions he would confiscate forthwith. The company 
of merchants who made complaint had no notice of this 
declaration, and sent sundry shiploads of the cloth to 
Barbary ; whereupon the King was as good as his word, and 
took possession of the whole. We find Field in a similar 
strait a few years later. 1 Field and a certain John Foxall 
owned a fine ship of 750 tons, being worth, with freight 
and furniture, no less than =7329. In 1575 this vessel 
was at Cadiz, and Philip of Spain laid an embargo upon 
it. The owners made several applications to the Queen, 
who was prevailed upon to interest herself in the matter. 
But Sir Henry Cobham, the English Ambassador, got 
nothing but vain words for his pains ; and the merchants 
pray the Queen " for Christe his sake to loke vppon the 
robberye and spoile done vnto the said ffoxall and 
fFeild," and to seize on any Spanish ships that were 
handy by way of reprisal. 2 It can hardly be imagined 
that a man who could venture thousands of pounds in a 
single bottom would stoop to a petty fraud. This kind 
of reasoning, however, so often proves false that it is 
fortunate we are not left to conjecture, and what the 
Trustees in truth did will be seen shortly. 

One third part of Conduit Close, then, which at 
that time was worth six or eight pounds a year, and 
the Brownsover property, were left in trust to Field 
and Harrison and their heirs; and they were directed 

1 State Papers : Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. cxx. No. 6. 

2 State Papers : Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. cvii. No. 73 ; March 
11, 1575/6. 


to build a fair and convenient school house adjoin- 
ing the house which Lawrence Sheriffe had built, and 
four meet and distinct lodgings for four poor men. For 
this purpose a sum of fifty pounds was assigned under the 
will. The School was to be free to the boys of Rugby 
and Brownsover. The School built, an honest, discreet, 
and learned man was to be appointed to teach a free 
grammar-school there, and the same was, if possible, 
ever to be a Master of Arts. The Mansion House, as 
Sheriffe calls it, was granted him for his dwelling, free of 
all charge, and the repairs of the premises were to be paid 
out of the profits of the endowments. The Master was to 
receive as his salary twelve pounds by the year ; and the 
almsmen were to have each his lodging, with seven pence 
by the week, to be weekly paid, for maintenance. These 
expenses could not be covered by the rent of Conduit 
Close ; and accordingly the property in Brownsover was 
left to the same Trustees, and it was charged with a yearly 
rent charge of ^16. 13s. 4d., to be paid to the uses of the 
Trust. Bridget, a sister of Lawrence Sheriffe, and her 
husband, John Howkins, were to be " farmers " or tenants 
of Brownsover during their lifetime, and, after their death, 
preference was to be given to one who should be of their 
body, lawfully begotten, and after to any other. Besides 
paying the rent of 16. 13s. 4d., the tenant was always 
to keep the chancel of Brownsover chapel in repair (to 
which he was bound as lay rector), and well and sufficiently 
to repair the premises. It does not appear from the will 
or the intent that the tenant of Brownsover was expected 


to pay anything more towards repairing the school build- 
ings ; but at first they did so, and in after years the Master 
claimed this as a right. The dispute about it caused much 
ill-feeling on both sides. 

Such was the original foundation of Rugby, which 
the Founder desired to be called for ever the Free 
School and Almshouses of Lawrence Sheriffe of London, 
Grocer : a charitable foundation of the most complete 
kind, providing, as it did, for the education of the 
young, and the peace and quietude of those who were 
old and needy. The School was, in the first place, 
meant for the boys of Rugby and Brownsover, who were 
to enjoy it free of all charge; and after them it might 
be made available for others on such terms as should 
appear convenient. The Almsmen of Lawrence Sheriffe 
were to be chosen from the same two villages, two from 
Rugby and two from Brownsover. No provision is made 
for an increase in the value of the property, and most 
likely the Founder did not conceive that it might ever in- 
crease. That he intended the rents of Conduit Close, what- 
ever they might be, to be entirely given to the charity, 
seems probable ; but it is not so clear whether he intended 
the same of Brownsover. That property, with tithes and 
glebe lands, was worth more than the specified rent ; and to 
one not learned in the ways of the law, it looks as though 
this charge alone would still be exacted, had it not been 
for the scandalous dishonesty of the tenants in later years. 

Whatever be true of later years, little fault can be 
found with Trustees or tenants in the time just following 


on Lawrence Sheriffe's death. John and Bridget How- 
kins were, so far as we know, prompt and honest in 
paying of their rent ; and although reason will be shown 
for believing that Howkins fell out with Field, yet this 
did not make him go the length of keeping the rent 
back. In the great lawsuit which we shall soon come 
to, a younger John Howkins asserts that John and 
Bridget enjoyed the Rectory during life "according to 
the special limitations," 1 which were, as we have seen, 
the payment of rent charge and repair of the premises. 
This does not appear to have been denied by the other 
side, so we may take it as true. It was when John and 
Bridget died that the mischief began; the heirs of 
Field and of Howkins came very near to thwarting the 
good intent of the religious Founder. The Trustees 
granted a lease to their son Anthony and his son John 
(who died soon after) on the prescribed terms. The docu- 
ment is an indenture dated January 20, 21 Elizabeth 
(1578/9), 2 and holds good for fifty years after the death of 
John and Bridget Howkins, but not unless one of the two 
lessees lived for that time. After their death it was to be 
void. Exact provision was made that if the rent fell into 
arrears, or if repairs were not properly carried out, the 
Trustees or their heirs should at once resume possession. 

1 Trust Papers : No. 42, a loose sheet torn off one of the briefs. 

2 Inquisition : Appendix. The John mentioned in Anthony's will 
must have been another son, unless the Inquisition is wrong in 
speaking of this John as dead in 1602. Another John Howkins, 
barrister of the Middle Temple, appears in the Papers (No. 86, fol. 93). 
He was in 1654 aged about 46, and was brother of Elias. 


After the death of Lawrence Sheriffe the Trustees 
would seem to have lost no time in beginning to carry 
out their trust. The buildings were not yet ready for 
the School, but four poor men were immediately appointed 
as almsmen, two being of Rugby and two of Brownsover. 
These were placed for the time being in the Mansion 
House. No fault can be found with the arrangement, 
since there was as yet no schoolmaster to inhabit in it. 
There is nothing to show that the Trustees meant to 
ignore Lawrence Sheriffe's directions, or to leave the 
almsmen permanently in that place. The next thing 
was to build a big School, and this appears to have been 
needlessly delayed. It was not until seven years after 
the Founder's death that the School was ready. Mean- 
while the rents of Brownsover had been paid to the 
Trustees by John and Bridget Howkins, so that there 
was available from the Trust Moneys the sum of 
116. 13s. 4d. If we deduct 4%. 9s. 4d. for the alms- 
men, a balance is left of ^71. 4s., besides the 50 allotted 
for building by the Founder. At the Inquisition of 
1602 it was declared that V1 of the Brownsover rent 
was not used in the building, nor was the said sum of 
50 so used. This statement implies that the remainder 
was spent on building the School ; and as no accusation 
is made with regard to the rent of Conduit Close, we 
may fairly assume that this also was so applied. This 
leaves a residue of 54*. 4s., without the 50, or the 
rent from Conduit Close. This sum (if not more), which 
was then worth about ten times its present value, was 


the sum spent on the first big School of Rugby. We 
can hardly hope to clear up the matter now, but it 
should be borne in mind that these statements come 
from the opponents. It is therefore quite possible that 
the Schoolroom had more spent on it than this minimum. 
However that may be, it was well and substantially built, 
and for nearly two centuries survived the destructive 
influences of time, poverty, and schoolboys. 

Although George Harrison was still alive, he seems 
to have had little influence in the affairs of the School, 
which he left entirely in the hands of Barnard Field. 
The duties of the Trustees were to receive the rents of 
Brownsover, to appoint the Master and almsmen, and 
to make all necessary payments ; but it is Field who 
is always spoken of as doing whatever had to be done, 
so I presume Harrison was content to let matters 

The School now being complete, Field proceeded to 
appoint a Master. No exact date is given for this first 
appointment, but it is reasonable to assume that it was 
made soon after the buildings were ready, that is to say, 
in or about the year 1574. 1 

It may be worth while to pause here a moment, and 
try to imagine what Rugby was like in the sixteenth 
century. There has been a hamlet on the site from time 
immemorial, and a number of British barrows or beacons 
in the neighbourhood show that it had some importance 

1 There seems to be a mistake in the Inquisition : if Harrison be the 
man here supposed, he was alive when Eolleston was appointed. 


long before the Conquest. One of these barrows is close 
by the fork of the Bilton and Lawford Roads; and 
another, in the School Close, is known as the Island. The 
town is described in Domesday Book under the name of 
Rocheburie, and it was known as Rokeby or Rookby 1 
down to the period of which we now write. There used 
to be a small Norman castle here, built probably in the 
reign of Stephen, of which traces are said still to remain. 
But if that town be happy which has no history, happy 
indeed must Rugby have been during many centuries. 
Although it was in the near neighbourhood of ancient 
monastic houses, of great castles, and of a great religious 
centre like Coventry, yet nothing seems ever to have 
happened at Rugby until Lawrence Sheriffe founded his 
School there. But if any trust is to be put in legend, 
this quiet past will one day be amply atoned for by one 
crowded hour of glorious life. Close by a great battle 
is to be fought, in which three kings will take part, 
while their horses are held by a miller having two thumbs 
on one hand. Whether Lawrence Sheriffe had heard of 
this Armageddon, we know not ; at all events, in his day 
Rugby was still but a small village, much of a size with 
Brownsover. In 166S, when the hearth money was im- 
posed on householders, a hundred and sixty houses were 
taxed in Rugby ; 2 in 1642 there were " nine score families " 
in Rugby, Brownsover being perhaps included ; 3 in 1629, 

1 Rookby and Rugby hardly differed in the pronunciation of the time. 

2 History of Rugby, p. 77. 

3 See petition of the inhabitants in Bloxam, Rugby, p. 35. 


half a century after the Founders death, twenty burials 
are entered in the parish register. 1 We may thus put 
down Rugby as containing about one hundred houses in 
the sixteenth century. 

The town gathered about a central market-place, 
from which spread four streets. One of these led east- 
wards past the parish church, opposite to which, on the 
other side of the road, stood the Mansion House of 
Lawrence Sheriffe ; a second led towards Newbold; the 
two others were the present High Street and Sheep Street. 
These last ran into the Hillmorton Road, and enclosed 
a triangle, which was probably then, as now, full of houses. 
At the end of the High Street was a grange of the 
monks of Pipewell, and perhaps on the site of the pre- 
sent Schoolhouse stood a predecessor of that house, which 
was afterwards bought for the School. Both these were 
built on an enclosure of part of Rugby Field, the 
village common. The market-place was an important 
centre, not for the town only, but for the whole neigh- 
bourhood. Here were held a number of fairs every year, 
when the drovers and breeders brought in horse and 
beast for sale. A cross stood in the centre, and not far 
away were the stocks and the pillory, probably surrounded 
by paving. Here, too, in all likelihood, was the cage for 
exposing malefactors, painted in " Oyle and Colours." 2 
A horse-pond occupied the site of the present elementary 
school, near the church ; and in it or near it was a post 

1 History of Rugby, p. 76. 

2 So it was at a later date (History of Rugby, p. 56). 


to which the cucking-stool was attached. 1 To be ducked 
in the stool was the punishment for shrewish wives ; and 
the boys of the grammar school must often have been 
amused by this spectacle. Rugby had also its butts for 
shooting with the longbow, as ordained by statute of 
Henry VIII. These existed for at least two centuries 
after the Founder's day ; for in 1742 the town was fined 
for a deficiency in some part of them. 2 Excepting the 
school buildings, and one or two dwellings on the Hill- 
morton Road, there were probably no houses of any size in 
Rugby. The great majority were thatched cottages, lining 
the four roads or streets just mentioned. Many such still 
lend a picturesque aspect to the town, and it is quite likely 
that some of these are as old as the sixteenth century. 
The Mansion House 3 in which the schoolmaster dwelt 

1 All these have long since disappeared, but an old cucking-stool 
may still be seen at Warwick, and stocks at Dunchurch, Thurlaston, 
and Lawford. The last person ducked at Eugby was a man who beat 
his wife. The Kugby stocks were last used about 1865, and the victim 
still lives, and is proud of his record. 

2 History of Rugby, p. 55. 

3 Most of the details which follow have been made out from a 
laborious study of two bundles of papers, after reading which I feel 
as if I could find my way about the Mansion House blindfold. They are 
docketed " Vouchers, 1716 to 1747, and 1746 to 1766." These contain 
the original bills for repairs done during the years specified, with a 
few of older date (before 1667) : it is generally impossible to give a 
more exact reference. I assume that no additions were made to the 
house after Greenhill's mastership. None were made later than 1667, 
when the regular accounts begin, except such as will be mentioned in 
their place ; and if any were made between 1604 and 1667, I should 
much like to know where the money came from. The reader will soon 
be able to judge whether a master of Kugby School could indulge in 
"lust of housing." 


was a brick-and-timber tenement, of the kind familiar to 
us in many an ancient farmstead or manor-house of that 
age. It was of two storeys, one overhanging the other ; the 
roof was thatched, and presented a view of large gables 
and overhanging eaves; a lofty stack of chimneys rose 
in the centre ; the windows were built with stanchions 
and mullions, and were glazed in small leaded panes or 
" quarreys." In front was a porch supported by pillars. 
The house stood in its own ground, somewhat retired 
from the street, and along the street ran a fence of 
palings with double gates. On the east side were the 
four sets of almsmen's rooms, each having a separate door 
opening outwards. The front door opened upon a hall, 
which was floored in oak and had an oak wainscot ; 
massive oak beams were visible above it. On the ground 
floor, opening out of the hall, were a "great parlour" 
and a " small parlour," and probably the Master's study ; 
two kitchens, a laundry, and a scullery, with various 
rooms or cupboards for coals and stores, complete this 
part of the house. Two cellars were dug beneath it. 
On the upper floor there were a number of rooms, six at 
least, and possibly nine. There were several out-houses 
about it ; we find mention of two barns, 1 a brew-house, 2 
and stables. A well supplied the establishment with 
water, and a small garden was barred off by a thatched 
wall of mud. 

Behind this messuage was the School, described by one 
who was taught in it as " a long, rather lofty room, built 
1 Trustees' Books. 2 Plan, p. 107, below. 


with timber " ; l that is to say, transverse beams with brick 
or lath and plaster between. It would be needless to say 
that the building was not a wooden shanty, but that 
the expression has been by some misunderstood. The 
tons of lime used in after years to repair the walls must 
settle the question for those who doubt. That the beams 
were massive and strong, is clear, for they held out un- 
touched to the last. This room, called the School (or, 
after the founding of Elborow's, the Latin School), was 
not built separate from the Schoolhouse, but as part of 
it. Like the house, it had at this period a thatched roof. 
Two doors gave access to it one opening outwards, and 
called the " School End" or " Outward Door" ; the other 
opening inwards, and called the "House End." The 
School End faced towards the north, and was approached 
by steps. It was closed by a massive oak door having 
a lock and a latch. In front of it, or to the side, was 
a yard which the boys used. There were several windows 
in this long room, glazed, like those of the house, in small 
leaded quarreys. In summer these were made beautiful 
by wooden boxes full of flowers. Somewhere in the build- 
ing, or adjoining it, was a small study. The School was 
floored with wood, oak or elm ; and it contained a large 
desk for the Master, two or more chairs, and benches for 
the boys. There were also tables with drawers in them. 
The roof was probably open, as no ceiling is ever men- 
tioned, and above were a number of massive oak beams. 
Such in the main were the buildings of the first Rugby 

1 Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 1809. 


School, when the builder had done with them ; and such 
they remained for nearly two hundred years. Except for 
the spacious Schoolhouse, the buildings differed but little 
from those of many another country grammar school. The 
appearance of the Big School may be realised by those who 
have seen the Grammar School at Stratford-on-Avon, which 
is built in just the same style as Lawrence SherifFe's, but 
on a larger scale. And here, in or about the year 1574, 
the first Master of Rugby School began his duties. 

The first Master of Rugby School was Edward Rol- 
ston, 1 of Christ's College, Cambridge, who had taken his 
Bachelor's degree in the year of the Founder's death, and 
proceeded M.A. in 1572. The Mansion House was given 
him for his abode, but not the whole of it. The four 
almsmen, it will be remembered, had their rooms in the 
Mansion House, and no meet and distinct lodgings had 
been built for them. This arrangement was clearly most 
awkward, especially if there should happen to be boys 
boarding in the house. Something was done, however, 
to smooth matters. The doors of the almsmen's rooms, 
which opened inwards, were blocked up, and new doors 
opened upon the air on the east side of the Mansion 
House. Partitions were put up within them, and a 
separate chimney was built for each set. By this arrange- 
ment each of the four poor men had a pair of rooms to 

1 Spelt also Koleston and Kolleston (I adopt the spelling of the 
Registers at Cambridge) : B.A., 1567/8 ; M.A., 1572. Two other Rol- 
stons occur in the Christ's College Register, who are probably akin to 
him: William, B.A., 1598/9; and Richard, B.A., 1604/5. Edward Rolston 
was born at Wemswood, Leics., and ordained deacon in London, Apr. 
1579, aged 33. London Diocesan Registry. 


himself, one over the other. Thus, like a happy family, 
the recipients of the Trust lived together under one roof 
quietly and without interruption for many years. 

Of Edward Rolston as Master I have been able to 
find out nothing, good or bad. He held the post for six 
years or so, and then he disappeared, whether by death 
or resignation I know not. The next Master was one 
Richard Scale, 1 of Trinity College, Oxford, a Warwick- 
shire man, and then some five-and-twenty years old. He 
was appointed by Barnard Field about the year 1580, but 
his tenure came to an abrupt end in a most unpleasant 
manner. In a word, he was summarily ejected from his 
post, and another man placed in his stead. What reasons 
there may have been for this we shall presently consider ; 
but first let us express our gratitude to that fickle jade 
Fortune, who has preserved to us a document describing 
the event. This is a petition now in the Record Office, 2 
presented by some inhabitants of Rugby before the 
Queen's most honourable Privy Council, against one 
Edward Boughton, of Cawston, in the county of War- 
wick, Esquire. This personage, who was a man of much 
influence in the county, was a friend of Robert, Earl of 
Leicester, and by his aid a few years later 3 was enabled 

1 Kichard Seale, co. Warwick, Trinity College, matriculated Nov. 11, 
1574, aged 19, "serviens Mri. Sanforde"; B.A., March 5, 1577/8 
(Alumni Oxonienses}. There is a will of a Richard Seele in Somerset 
House, who died in 1590 (Book Sainberbe, fol. 14). He describes himself 
as a husbandman, and has a son Richard ; but he is of Wiltshire. 

2 State Papers : Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. cxlvi. No. 65. 

3 In 1585. He died in 1589. M. H. Bloxam, from whom I take these 
details of Boughton's life (Rugly, p. 25), identifies the person named 


to pull down the White Friars 1 Church in Coventry, and 
with the materials to build up a magnificent mansion at 
Cawston. Boughton is accused of many and varied mal- 
practices, and the petitioners are too angry to be con- 
sistent. Not only is he a " favorer of notorious papistes," 
and " ioyned in league with them," but he is at the same 
time an "obstinate Puritane," despising the orders of 
Parliament, setting up and maintaining new fasts, new 
service, and such other like singular devices. Clearly the 
petitioners thought they had only to throw mud enough 
and some would be sure to stick. Nor does this exhaust 
the catalogue of the monster's crimes. He was withal a 
" packer of Juryes, to the pervertinge of justice and 
equitie," and opprest his poor neighbours, by tyranny 
and power making them " to stoupe vnto him in all 
purposes, and if theie will not, troublethe them to their 
vndoings ; as of late by indictinge at Warwick, and fetch- 
inge vpp to the Starr Chamber, or otherwise vexinge and 
molestinge, an hundred weomen and childrenn, or theare 
aboute, in the parish of Rugby." But the important part 
of this paper is yet to come. Boughton was a " boulsterer 
and mayntayner of evell men and of evell causes," chief of 
which evil men was one Nicholas Greenhill ; and the cause 
of his vexing and molesting his neighbours in Rugby 
was, that they " did not favour him in placing " a certain 
person, called by a foul name, " to be scoolemaster theare." 

in the petition with Edward Boughton, the son, of whom more anon. 
The mistake was natural before the discovery of the Inquisition of 
1602, but much to be regretted, since it has thrown all dates twenty 
years wrong in the early history of the School. 


As the indicting of an hundred women and children, or 
thereabout, had not the desired effect, Boughton took the 
law into his own hands ; and, in the words of the petition, 
" he him selfe, with divers others in his companie, riot- 
ouslye and contrary to iustice, made a forcible entrie into 
the scoole of Rugby, and from thence removed with strong 
hande and displaced one Richard Seele, being quietlie 
possessed of the same for the space of eighteene monethes 
before." That must have been a happy day for the boys 
of Rugby School. 

But there are two sides to every question, and luckily 
we are not without knowledge of the other side in this. 
The petitioners foolishly blurt out the secret when they 
say that he is in league with notorious Papists, and 
" namelie, with one Barnard ffeilde." They are so angry 
that they do not see how damaging such an admission 
is to their cause. Barnard Field was none other than 
one of Lawrence Sheriffe's trustees, who alone had the 
right to appoint a Master in Rugby School; and I 
strongly suspect that Seale had done something which 
made it necessary to remove him. There is no need to 
suppose that any of the scandalous offences urged against 
Greenhill and Boughton 1 were true of Seale; we need 
only assume that he neglected his duty, or proved disloyal 
to Field in some way. It is not difficult to guess who is 
behind this petition. The hand may be the hand of a 
hundred women and children, but the voice is the voice 

1 These it is unnecessary to repeat ; but those who wish to see what 
they were, can easily consult the original. 


of Howkins. In fact, we see here the beginning of that 
dishonesty and greed which brought so much distress 
upon Rugby and its Masters, and finally lost to the 
Howkins family all interest in their kinsman's bequest. 
By this time I imagine John Howkins and Bridget to 
be dead ; l for their son Anthony, as we have said, took 
possession of the property in 1579. I conceive that this 
Anthony was probably the moving spirit in the petition. 
Now, since Scale was a Warwickshire man, he may have 
been an old friend of the Howkins family ; and even if 
he were not so, he may have entered into some kind of 
collusion with the tenant of Brownsover, whereby the Trust 
was like to suffer. This would have been a sufficient 
reason for Barnard Field to interfere. But whatever the 
reason really was, the Trustees, and they alone, had any 
right to appoint or displace, and did displace, Richard 
Scale, the schoolmaster. 2 As a matter of fact, Field did 
appoint Nicholas Greenhill to be schoolmaster at Michael- 
mas 1581 ; 3 and as Scale is stated by the petitioners to 
have been in his post for eighteen months previously, and 
as this statement, if not true, is sure to be over the truth, 
the appointment of Scale may be placed in 1580. 

Boughton's share in the matter has yet to be explained, 
but that is not difficult. Field lived in London, a long 
journey in those days ; he had business of his own, and 

1 I have not succeeded in finding their wills. 

2 It is a curious coincidence that the two copies of Sheriffe's Will 
and Intent, which are preserved among the Trust Papers at Kugby, 
were made about this time. See Appendix. 

3 See Appendix B. 


perhaps was concerned with other grievances against 
Philip of Spain or the Sultan of Barbary. What more 
natural than to put the affair into the hands of a power- 
ful magnate of the county, and one who, as we have seen, 
was his own friend ? Boughton was certainly high-handed 
in his proceedings ; but if Scale would not go, the strong 
hand may well have seemed better than the law's delay. 
It was open to Seale, if he felt himself aggrieved, to call 
in the law on his own part ; but there is nothing to show 
that he ever did so. 1 Moreover, if he did prosecute, his 
suit must have failed, for Greenhill remained in possession 
for four-and-twenty years. 

But Barnard Field, once bit, was twice shy, and deter- 
mined to provide against a repetition of the late difficulty. 
Nicholas Greenhill was appointed on a three years 1 pro- 
bation, after which he was to be and continue schoolmaster 
there during his life, if there should be no just cause given 
by him to the contrary. Field allowed him four pounds 
a year out of the rent of Conduit Close, over and above 
the twelve pounds paid him from the rents of Brownsover. 
Thus the Master received a larger salary than that assigned 
by Lawrence Sheriife, and we see in this act reason to 
think that Field meant honestly by the Trust. An extra 
allowance of 34s. 8d. was also given to the almsmen, to 
bring up their money to 7d. a week each. 2 

1 I have searched the catalogues of proceedings in Chancery for his 
name, but without success. 

2 Chancery Bills and Answers, D. 13, 15, in the Record Office. See 
Rugby in the Index Locorum to James I. This document likewise con- 
firms the payment of 4 to the Master. 


In this same year 1581, Field had given a lease of 
Conduit Close for forty-eight years to Robert Carre, 1 at a 
yearly rental of eight pounds. What became of the resi- 
due does not appear, but it may have been expended in 
repairs. No one ever accused Field of misappropriating 
this money, as would have been likely if he had so done ; 
it is therefore probable that he used it for the purposes 
of the Trust. The case against him is more serious if it 
be true, as stated in a petition drawn up half a century 
later, 2 that the land was then worth twenty pounds by 
the year at least. If this were so, Field cannot be 
acquitted of disloyalty to his Trust, whether or not he 
received a money fine on allotting the lease. But the 
statement comes from the other side, and is probably 
exaggerated. In any case, this alone is not sufficient to 
condemn him. The only distinct fault that can be found 
is, that he made no arrangements for building separate 
rooms for the almsmen. It is, however, probable that he 
died soon after the appointment of Greenhill. In any 
case, that his death was not long delayed is clear, for the 
following reasons. Conduit Close was inherited by his 
only daughter, Elizabeth, 8 then unmarried. Elizabeth 
afterwards married John Dakyn, and in 1600 (Nov. 20, 
42 Eliz.) their son Barnard was old enough to convey 
the same to a certain John Vincent. Barnard Dakyn 
must have been a precocious youngster if Field lived to 

1 Carre was evidently a friend ; he signs Mrs. Harrison's will as 

2 Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 12. 

3 Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 9. 


the end of the sixteenth century, or anywhere near it. 
But George Harrison died at the end of 1582 or early in 
1583, 1 and Field survived him. Field's death must there- 
fore be placed not earlier than 1583, and it cannot have 
been much later. That 1583 is the actual date is made 
practically certain by the Books of the Grocers' Company. 
In these Barnard Field appears as paying the brotherhood 
money regularly each year up to July 1582, and then the 
payment ceases. Field's death must therefore have fol- 
lowed close upon Harrison's. At all events, the Alms- 
houses were not built, and the four poor men continued 
to dwell in their rooms, cut off from the Master's house. 

Of Nicholas Greenhill, thus appointed schoolmaster 
by Field, and instituted by the strong hand of Edward 
Boughton, I have little to tell. He has hitherto been 
identified with a namesake who appears in the Oxford 
Register as matriculating in 1598, and died " periwigged 
with snow" in 1650 ; but at the time of the first Green- 
hill's appointment to Rugby, the second was an infant 
of one year old. Nor was the younger man son of the 

1 His will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 
February 22, 1582/3. The identity of this George Harrison is not 
beyond doubt, since the Inquisition says that he died before the 
appointment of Kolston. But the coincidences are so many as to 
make the identity of the two George Harrisons all but certain. These 
are that both are described as "gentlemen"; that both lived in 
London, and the Harrison of the will lived close to Lawrence Sheriffe, 
and close to the property ; that neither has heirs of his body lawfully 
begotten ; that the name of Kobert Carre occurs in Mrs. Harrison's 
will in 1584, and as the lessee of the property in 1581. Further, the 
Inquisition of 1602 states that Harrison died later than 1579. 

Field's will I have been unable to find, either in the ordinary London 
courts or in the Bishops' Books of London. 


elder, unless his unnatural father cut him off without a 
shilling. The Rugbeian Greenhill had an abundance of 
sisters and daughters, nephews and nieces, but no sons. 1 
It is strange if there should have been two Nicholas Green- 
hills, both scholars, both clergymen, and so close together 
in time, yet not related, and I am therefore inclined to 
think that the Greenhill already known was a son of 
William Greenhill, the brother of Nicholas. 2 In his will 
Nicholas describes himself as "of Rugby, alias Rokeby, 
Clerk " ; he was perhaps a Master of Arts for that reason, 
as well as because the Master of Rugby was always to be 
so if possible. He is also spoken of as Mr. Nicholas 
Greenhill, but this was many years after his death. 3 No 
record of him exists, however, in the University Registers 
of Oxford or Cambridge. Of his career as a schoolmaster 
I know one thing only, that he educated John Howkins, 4 
and thereby nourished a snake in his bosom. This 
John Howkins was the third or fourth son of Anthony 
Howkins, and grandson of the John who married Bridget 
Sheriffe. 5 He became a barrister of the Middle Temple, 
and lived at South Minis, in Middlesex. He died 
possessed of considerable wealth, and of a coat of arms. 6 
Born just before the appointment of Greenhill, he spent 

1 See his will in Somerset House, Book Harte, fol. 100. The date is 
Jan. 2, 1603/4 ; proved May 9, 1604. 

2 Mentioned in the will. One of the family was named Nicholas 
after him ; why not another ? 

3 Papers, No. 72, fol. 18. 

4 Trust Papers : Depositions, No. 86, fol. 150 ; 100A, fol. 8. 

5 Will of Anthony Howkins ; original at Eugby (Trust Papers). 

6 Bloxam, Rugby, p. 23. 


" several years " under his tuition, and it does not appear 
that he had any other. It follows that Rugby School, 
unpretentious though it was, could then educate a gentle- 
man well enough for the learned professions. 

Greenhill seems himself to have been a man of con- 
siderable wealth for those days, or else he made more money 
by the School than might have been looked for. In his 
will he disposes of a couple of hundred pounds in legacies. 
Moreover, he spent some money on additions to the School- 
house, made necessary, doubtless, by the presence of the 
almsmen in it. He built out at the back several new 
rooms at his own proper costs and charges, which lasted 
until they were accidentally destroyed by fire about 1654. 
So at least deposes his ungrateful pupil John Howkins, 1 
who adds that the Master repaired all the premises at his 
own expense. Greenhill also fitted up the hall with 
wainscot, and made a number of cupboards, and did other 
things for the improvement of the place. He married 
Elizabeth Fitzherbert, a widow, of Coventry. In one of 
the Chancery petitions, 2 " Nicholas Greenhill, of Rookebie, 
in the County of Warwick, scholemaster of the free gram- 
mar schole there," supplicates the Lord Chancellor (Sir 
Thomas Bromley) against John Emerston, whose sister 
Greenhill had married. Emerston, being of a " gredie and 
covetous minde and disposition," had refused to pay up a 
sum of forty pounds which Greenhill laid claim to. 

During the latter years of GreenhilPs mastership 

1 Trust Papers, No. 100A, fol. 8. 

3 Chancery Proceedings : Elizabeth, Gg. 13, No. 7. Date not given. 


things began to look dark, and there were heard as it 
were thunderclaps prophetic of the coming storm. Field 
was dead, and Conduit Close had come into the hands of 
Barnard Dakyn, as already related. About the year 1598 
Dakyn discontinued the payment of four pounds to the 
schoolmaster, 1 and refused to pay the almsmen. Upon 
this Greenhill instituted a suit in Chancery against him. 
Dakyn went even further, and " unconscionably sold away 
the land from the school and almshouse " ; in other words, 
on November 20, 1600, he conveyed the third part of 
Conduit Close to John Vincent. The Chancery suit 
dragged on for a long time, until Anthony Howkins 
stepped in, and sued out a Commission to sit upon that 
case. This was done " contrary to the liking " of Nicholas 
Greenhill ; and thus the action which was to result in the 
victory of the Trust and the discomfiture of its enemies 
was due to one of those enemies themselves. GreenhilPs 
suit was now stopped by a special order of the Lord 
Keeper, and in 1602 issued forth the first Commission 
under the Statute of Charitable Uses. 

With the results of this first Commission we shall deal 
in the next chapter; but it will be convenient here to 
follow GreenhilPs mastership to the end. He survived the 
Commission by only two years, and died in the first half 
of 1604. 2 By his last will and testament he bequeathed 
to the School where he had taught so long, "all the 

1 Inquisition of 1602. See Appendix B : " Until about three years 
and a half last past," the money was paid. 

2 He is clearly stated to have held the Mastership till his death. 
See Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 18, et al. 


wainescots, cubbordes, and keyes in the hall, with all the 
glasse and dores about the house, there to remain to the 
use of the said Schole." With this last token of affection 
his shadowy figure disappears. 

Before closing this chapter in the school history, I 
wish to say a word of the conduct of Field, the first 
active Trustee of Rugby School. Hitherto he has been 
severely blamed as being false to his trust, and as using 
the moneys and lands of the Trust to his own profit and 
gain. But I think that no one can read what has gone 
before without seeing that there is no real ground for 
this grave charge. Neither he nor Harrison can be 
absolved on the evidence from carelessness; though it is 
possible that did we know all, this imputation would like- 
wise prove to be undeserved. What evidence there is 
comes from Field's enemies, so far as the deponents 1 names 
are known, 1 and we are therefore bound to assume he 
was at least no worse than they assert him to be. His 
delay in building the School, his neglect in not building 
the Almshouses, his omission to choose a fit and proper 
trustee to succeed him, instead of leaving the property 
to the heirs of his body all these things go to show that 
he might have done more in the trust committed to him. 
Nor is there evidence to show that he ever visited the 
School to see that all was going on well. On the other 
hand, his action in Scale's case, and in the stipulation for 
three years 1 trial of the next Master, proves that he did 

1 Unfortunately the depositions made at the Inquisition of 1602 are 
not in the Kecord Office, so far as can be discovered. 


something to ensure the proper behaviour of his nominees. 
Be it also remembered that London was a long journey 
from Rugby, and that Field had other and weighty 
concerns on his hands. Again, he is proved to have 
spent the greater part of the rents of the Conduit Close 
share in the proper way ; and though he did not so spend 
it all, yet he may really have thought that it was not 
intended by Lawrence Sheriffe that the whole should be 
so spent. The Founder's intention certainly seems to 
have been to impose a fixed rent-charge on Brownsover, 
and perhaps also on Conduit Close. On the whole, then, 
the graver charge breaks down, while the lesser -is perhaps 
capable of explanation; and it is well that this tardy 
reparation can be made to one whose memory has long 
been branded with an undeserved stigma. 



B.A., (?)1 625-1641 EDWARD CLERKE, MA., 1641 
RAPHAEL PEARCE, MA., 1641-1 651. 

WE have now followed the School through its early years, 
and seen it settling down after one shock into what might 
seem likely to be a useful if quiet existence. But the 
evils which might have been expected from the mode of 
endowment have already begun to appear, and these are 
destined in the next fifty years to make head in such a 
way as to threaten the very existence of Rugby School. 
It is indeed a p'eriod of storm and stress which we now 
enter upon, and marvellous it is how the School ever 
survived it. 

Sometime in the last few years of the sixteenth 
century, Nicholas Greenhill, as we have seen, brought an 
action for recovery of certain moneys which were being 
unlawfully kept back by the heir of Lawrence Sheriffe's 
Trustees. This heir, Barnard Dakyn, was evidently a 
headstrong youth who would stick at nothing; and not 
deterred by the suit, he actually sold the school share 

1 For the date 1625, see below. 



of Conduit Close in the year 1600 to John Vincent for 
1%0, a little more than the Founder gave for it. It 
appears that John Vincent died in 1602, 1 leaving the 
property to his wife Rose (who afterwards married Roger 
Wood), and in reversion to her infant daughters Phila- 
delphia and Anne. Meanwhile, Anthony Howkins got 
a Commission in Chancery appointed, thinking no doubt 
that he would settle the Master's troublesome claims once 
and for all. This was in the next year after the passing 
of an Act called the Statute for Charitable Uses, which 
became law on October 27, 1601. The Commission, ap- 
pointed under the Great Seal of England in May 1602, 
held an Inquisition at Rugby the September following ; 2 
and it is to the document which records the finding of 
this Inquisition we owe most of our knowledge of the 
early history of Rugby School. 3 The result of this In- 
quisition was a complete remodelling of the Trust, which 
was placed on a basis which ought to have been firm. 
The vice of the previous arrangement having been clearly 
shown, all the school property was vested in a body of 
twelve Trustees or Feoffees, 4 who were thereby duly 
appointed. Those chosen were men of standing and re- 
pute, and thus provision was made for avoiding a repeti- 
tion of the late frauds. Lest by the death of these in 
succession one man should again get the whole property 
into his hands, it was provided that when any three 

1 Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 10. See tables in Appendix. 

2 Trust Papers, No. 72. 

3 See Appendix. Copy of Decree : Trust Papers, No. 76. 

4 The list given in the Rugby Register, vol. i. p. vii., is correct. 


vacancies should have occurred, they should be filled up 
forthwith by co-opting, and that a new deed of feofftnent 
should be drawn up conveying the property to the whole 
body thus constituted. All the new Trustees were gentle- 
men of the county of Warwick; one of them, Richard 
Neale, lived in Rugby, and another, James Willington, 
was of Brownsover. Among the names we find that of 
John Leigh, Esq., son of Sir Thomas Leigh, of Stone- 
leigh ; and this family is still connected in the same way 
with Rugby School in the person of Lord Leigh, Chair- 
man of the Trustees. Ever since this date of 1602, a 
few years only being excepted, a Leigh has been among 
the Trustees or Governors of Rugby School. 

The Commission went on to confirm Nicholas Green- 
hill as Master, and to decree that those who were then 
almsmen in possession should so remain for their lives, on 
condition of good behaviour. The schoolmaster's salary 
was to be for the future sixteen pounds. Of this the 
tenants of Brownsover were to pay twelve pounds, 
with six shillings and eightpence for repairs; and five- 
pence a week was to be paid to the almsmen. The 
Howkinses were to continue as farmers of Brownsover, 
paying the rent of 16. 13s. 4d., fixed by Lawrence 
SherifFe, which exactly covers the allowances here specified. 
The remainder was to be paid out of the rents of Conduit 
Close, together with twopence a week more to the alms- 
men, making sevenpence in all. The sale made to Vincent 
was annulled, and Dakyn was ordered to repay the pur- 
chase money to his heirs. Any surplus, together with 


the sums of ^50 and Yl above mentioned, was to be 
used in building new almshouses. This done, any further 
surplus was to be used for repairs, and for augmenting 
the allowances of the Master and the almsmen. It 
should be mentioned that the Inquisition found Conduit 
Close to be worth at least 20 a year, though leased for 
8. Perhaps a remark about digging for clay and 
gravel, which is to be seen in a later document, 1 may 
help to explain this increase in value. 

As regards the buildings, the Schoolhouse was found 
to be in good repair; but not so the Almshouses, which 
were ruinous. The reader will recollect that there were 
no separate lodgings for the almsmen as yet ; and it was 

That the said ffoure poore Almesmen should dwell in the 
houses and lodgings as they then did, till such time as other 
houses and lodgings should be builded or provided for them 
according to that Order, and after that, then the Schoole- 
master for the time being to have the same House wholly : 
and until some new and convenient provision of houses 
should be made for the said ffoure poore Almesmen accord- 
ing to the Intent of the said Lawrence Sheriffe, the same 
ffoure Almesmen not to be put out of the said houses then 
used as Almeshouses, in noe wise. 2 

This looks excellent on paper ; but one small neglect 
spoilt the whole nothing was said in the decree as to 
the Trustees' meeting at fixed intervals. Consequently 

1 Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 36. 

2 Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 12, quoted from Decree, fol. 13, 


they appear to have neglected their trust; at least so I 
gather from the fact that Vincent's wife refused to pay 
her part of the rent, and claimed the full possession of 
Conduit Close by right of inheritance. She denied that 
she had been given notice of the Inquisition, notwith- 
standing that she was interested in it ; and it was even 
asserted that Vincent when he bought the land was not 
aware of the conditions of the Trust. The last statement 
was false, 1 but there may have been some truth in the 
other, although that too is denied by the other side. 2 
However, Rose Wood (as she was now called) succeeded 
in persuading the Court of Chancery that she had just 
cause of complaint ; and a new Commission was ordered. 

Meanwhile the Masters had not been idle. Between 
1602 and^!604, 3 Nicholas Greenhill continued to do all 
he could to get Dakyn to pay his dues. As a counter- 
buffet Dakyn filed a bill in Chancery against Greenhill 
and Richard Neale, "two of the defendants" (the Com- 
mission of 1602 was sued out, it will be remembered, by 
Anthony Howkins). GreenhilPs reply states that Dakyn 
had "detained the wages" of himself and the almsmen, 
and specified the causes of complaint. After the death 
of Greenhill, Augustine Rolfe was appointed Master, and 
he continued the suit against Dakyn. But the man still 
proved obdurate, and nothing could be done. We may 

1 Inquisition ut supra; Nicholas Greenhill's Answer to Barnard 

2 By Nicholas Greenhill. 

3 Chancery Sills and Answers, James I., D. 13, 15. The date must 
be 1603 or 1604, for obvious reasons. 


well ask what the Trustees were doing all this time. It 
is clear that they, or some of them, instituted proceedings 
in or soon after the year 1602 ; for Richard Neale, " one 
of the defendants," was also one of the Trustees. But it 
is equally clear that they cannot have taken a very keen 
interest in the business; otherwise, with the support of 
men of influence, Rugby School must have come better out 
of it. Even the law would hardly delay a dozen years to 
enforce its own decrees. However, matters were at last 
brought to a head in 1612, when Rolfe got a writ de 
executione against Barnard Dakyn. But now Rose Wood 
succeeded in getting the second Commission appointed. 
This Commission, allowing the plaintiff's plea, annulled 
the decree of the first, and the whole business was done 
over again in 1614 at Hixhall, or Hicks Hall, in Middle- 
sex. 1 But Rose found that a Commission has its thorns, 
for in the end it confirmed the decree of 1602. Now 
Rose, whom we can hardly pity, found herself saddled 
with arrears and costs, as well as with all the obligations 
she had hoped to escape. Not only had she to pay 
35. 10s. in arrears of the rent due for the years 1600-2, 
but rent from 1602 onwards at the rate of %Q a year. 
The schoolmaster was to have d24. 10s. 8d., and the 
almsmen fourpence per week, besides the fivepence from 
Brownsover; and for the future, repairs of the school 
premises were to be paid for by the Master for the time 
being. At the same time, a new body of twelve Trustees 

1 Trust Papers, No. 72; also in Kecord Office (Charitable Uses, War- 
wickshire; Inquisitions, Bundle 6, No. 1). 12. 10s. 8d. from Conduit 
Close only. 


was appointed, containing several of the old names. As 
nothing is said here of building almshouses, it is to be 
gathered that separate lodgings were built as decreed 
after 1602. 

Augustine Rolfe, or Rolph, who has been mentioned 
as fourth Master of Rugby School, will probably have 
been appointed by the Trustees when Greenhill died in 
] 604. They were new brooms then, and doubtless swept 
a clean corner. No record exists of his appointment, 
however, nor of his scholastic career, nor of the date of 
his death. That he died at his post is to be inferred 
from the document so often quoted; 1 and if his will 
should ever turn up, 2 this would settle the date of his 
end and the next appointment. I know of him only that 
he was of Queen's College, Cambridge, that he took his 
Master's degree in 1595, 3 and that he was incorporated at 
Oxford in 1599. 4 In the next generation another Augus- 
tine Rolfe makes his appearance at Queen's, 5 and it is 
surely not improbable that this was the son of the first. 
If so, he was probably educated at his father's school. 

At this period Rugby was sending boys to the Univer- 
sities, as we see from the entry of George Isham, 6 at Sidney 

1 No. 72 ; see Appendix. 

2 I have searched the chief Somerset House Kegisters for it in vain. 

3 Cambridge University Register. 4 Alumni Oxonienses. 

5 Queen's College : matriculated as a Sizar, July 13, 1628 ; B.A., 1631 ; 
M.A., 1635. 

6 Registers : 1621. Georgyis Isham natus Bugbruckiae in Comitatu 
Northamptoniensi filius Gregorij Isham de Barby in eodem Com: Armi- 
geri, Rugbiae in Comitatu Warwicensi in communi schola sub Augus- 
tino Rolfe Artium M ro per triennium plus minus Litteris Grammaticis 


Sussex College, Cambridge. The entry, which is given 
below, proves Rolfe to have been living in 1621, and 
another entry of the same register shows his successor in 
office a few years later. Isham, it will be seen, came from 
Barby, and was therefore not on the foundation. It is 
more likely that he boarded with Rolfe than that he 
walked or rode in to school every day, but nothing can be 
said with certainty of that. Isham is the first Rugbeian 
who is proved by direct evidence to have proceeded to 
either University. 

About the year 1612 another enemy of Rugby School 
appeared. This was Edward Boughton, son of the Edward 
Boughton who gave the boys of Rugby a pleasant enter- 
tainment thirty years before. Perhaps emboldened by the 
success of the Vincent brood, Boughton cast a covetous 
eye on the tithes and glebe land of Brownsover. The 
tenant was then Anthony Howkins, the son of Bridget 
and John, and he consented to alienate the tithes and a 
portion of the glebe land for a yearly payment of %8. 
17s. 6d. According to Howkins 1 own account, 1 Boughton 
was even more high-handed than his father. He sent a 
man to survey the land and to mark out the portion he 
wanted ; he anticipated no difficulty, being a man " of 

institutus, adolescens annorum 19 admissus est pensionarius minor 
Jun. 30. Tutore et fideiussore M ro Ki. Danford S. Theologiae bacca- 
laureo Solvitqwe pro ingressu v s . 

1 Chancery Bills and Answers, Charles I., R. 45, No. 62 ; Nov. 1632- 
This gives a detailed account of the transaction, with names. Another, 
given in Trust Papers, Nos. 91 and 100A (evidence taken on oath), bears 
this out as far as it goes, but it is less full. See also his will (original 
at Rugby). 


great worth, power, and command in the said county of 
Warwick " (his friends call him also " well beloved,"" but 
we take that with a grain). Poor Anthony was eighty 
years old at the time, " very lame and of a weak under- 
standing, and had no friends present at the measuring 
thereof ; " all he could do was to write and beg Boughton 
to do no wrong to him or the charity. He adds that he 
besought the great man to wait until his son came from 
London, but Boughton persuaded him it was needless. 
Boughton also gave Mrs. Howkins " five pounds and many 
good words " for Howkins to sign the necessary document. 
But they would not let him examine it, and Howkins now 
began to fight shy. Upon this Boughton and some of 
his friends determined upon a surprise. He " and other 
of his subtil company " entered the house of Anthony on 
a sudden, and forced or frightened him into lending his 
hand and seal to the deed, which they then carried off, 
leaving him "full of doubts and fears." Anthony now 
"in very much discontent complained that he was sur- 
prised and abused by the said Edward Boughton," and 
demanded a copy of the deed, or he would not alienate 
the tithes. Whereat Boughton, " in great fury and out- 
rage, with his said tenants and confederates, came again 
to the said farmer's house, threatening to lay him in 
prison, and not leave him worth a groat." He also seized 
cattle and sheep belonging to Anthony, and did so much 
to annoy him that the unlucky old man gave way for 
the sake of peace and quiet. Thus, he says plaintively, 
Boughton " circumvented and entrapped your poor 


orator." There is some reason for thinking that An- 
thony was not so coy as he would have us believe; still 
there is little doubt that he was coerced into doing this 
wrong. Man v years afterwards a later body of Trustees 
found oat what had been done, and called upon Bough- 
ton's heir for reparation ; * but it does not appear that 
the Trustees at the time made any kind of protest. Pro- 
bably they never even heard of the fraud ; and so far 
did thev carry their laxity, that Anthony, Elias his son, 
and William his grandson, all enjoyed the use of the 
Brownsover property without taking any lease from the 
Trustees. 1 Not only so, bat Anthony in his will entailed 
the Brownsover property on his male descendants for 
ever, according to the custom of primogeniture ; and the 
Conduit Close third part he left to his son John, as 
though the whole property were his own. 

We now return to the fortunes of the Rugby School 
case. Will it be believed that, after all the evidence 
given before the first Commission as to the value of 
Conduit Close, the Trustees in 1614 proceeded to assign 
a lease of it for a rental of ten pounds only? Indeed 
so they did; 3 and the fortunate lessee, Henry Clarke, 
of WhrtechapeL having obtained this lease for forty 
years, promptly transferred it to the previous tenant, 
Rose Wood, who doubtless paid him a handsome fine 
for the privilege, as did a later lessee on Clarke's lease. 4 

, Order of Aogut 7, 1753. 
* Trot Pepfn, Xo. 19, et aL One lease, burtq, was granted to 
Anthony, which copiied in 1638/9 (p. 26). 

No. 72, foL 26, 27. * No. SO, foL 21. 


There is no evidence that the Trustees took further 
trouble about the charity, but all the evidence these is 
points to the contrary. Whereas it was their duty to 
receive the rents and make disbursements, we find this 
being done by others. Towards the end of RohVs reign 
the Howkinses paid their twelve pounds to the Master 
direct, and this practice continued for twenty years or 
more. Witnesses before the third Commission deposed 
to having seen a regular book of accounts kept by Ehas 
Howkins, in which Rolfe and his two next successors had 
written their receipts for three pounds a quarter. 1 For 
some years previous to 1628, John Howkins, a son of 
Anthony, was considered as the owner of Conduit Close, 
and paid ten pounds a year to Anthony. 1 What he did 
with it does not appear, nor m it dear in what relation 
John stood to the tenants of that property afterwards. 
Rose Wood seems to have bowed to the inevitable, paid 
up her arrears, and continued to pay the rent of ten 
pounds, though doubtless with a bad grace. So things 

to mm tiheraoi 

ledged for good 


went on for a few years longer, until the death of Rolfe 
brought a new actor on the scene. 

The Master who next followed Rolfe bore the remark- 
able name of Wilgent Greene. 1 He is described in the 
Oxford books as a " gentleman,' 1 and matriculated from 
Oriel College. In 1616 he proceeded B.A., but there is no 
record of his having taken a Master's degree. He seems 
to have lost no time in lodging a complaint against the 
lease of Henry Clarke, as being an injury to the Trust, 
pointing out that the Trust was suffering from the neglect 
of the Trustees. We may infer that the complaint was 
not immediately settled, not only from the universal 
experience of mankind, but because he found it prudent 
to make a private agreement with Rose Wood. The law 
and the lady together seem to have been too much for 
poor Greene, and he in a weak moment consented to 
accept five pounds more by the year, making fifteen 
pounds in all. Greene, of course, had no right whatever 
to do this, but it was not his fault. The Trustees must 
be held responsible, both for this and for the misfortunes 
of the succeeding years. The court agreed to the com- 
promise, and ordained that on these terms Rose Wood 
should enjoy the tenancy during her life. This was in 
1633, 2 which bears out the supposition that Greene was 
appointed shortly before that date. 

Notwithstanding the vexations of legal proceedings 

1 Alumni Oxonienses, s.v. For the date of his appointment, see 
below, p. 59. 

2 May 1, 8 Car. : Trust Papers, No. 72, fol. 31. 


and the neglect of the Trustees, Rugby School continued 
to do its appointed task. Greene's predecessors, with one 
notable exception, appear to have been men discreet and 
learned enough ; and Greene himself was no less so. During 
his Mastership there is record of four Rugbeians at Cam- 
bridge. The first of these is Edward Sclater, 1 who entered 
at Sidney in 1629. From this entry we can make a rough 
calculation as to the date of Greene's appointment. Sclater 
is said to have been one year under Greene at the " public 
School of Rugby," and afterwards to have been taught 
at home per annos aliquot. The phrase can hardly mean 
less than three, so we get 1625 as the latest date possible 
for Greene's coming to Rugby. In 1634, Thomas Bletsoe 2 
entered from the school at St. John's, and Richard Hal- 
ford 3 went up to Christ's four years later. These to us are 
mere names ; but greater interest attaches to the fourth, 
Knightley Harrison, who entered in 1634 at Sidney. 4 

1 3 Sid-ney Sussex Register : 1629. Edvardus Sclater filius Joannis 
Sclater S.S.T. Baccalaur. et Eectoris Ecclesiae de Lawford,vulgo dictae, 
Church Lawford in agro Warwi- sen Vervicensi, natus Laytoniae in 
comitatu Bedfordiensi, literis grammaticalibus operam dedit per unius 
anni spacium in oppido de Rugby, praeceptore Wilgentio Greene, postea 
vero in paternis aedibus per annos aliquot a patri institutus, tandem 
Cantabrigiawi petiit et admissus est Pensionarius minor anno aetat : 
suae 17 Jun. 11, 1629. Tutore M ro Ri. Minshall, solvitqwe pro 
ingressu 5 s . 

3 1634. Thomas Bletsoe, son of Hugh Bletsoe, gent., of Lutterworth, 
School Rugby (Mr. Greene). Sizar, 17 Dec., age 17. (I have to thank 
Mr. E. E. Sikes, of St. John's, for this entry.) 

3 1638. 11 June. Ri. Halford, son of Henry Halford, of Bowden, 
Northants, Rugby (Greene), age 16. (I have to thank Dr. Peile, Master 
of Christ's, for this entry.) 

4 1634. Knightleius Harrison filius M ri Joannis Harrison Rectoris de 
Yelvertoft in agro Northampt : ibidem natus et literis grammaticis 


He was one year at Rugby School, and for the rest was 
something of a rolling stone. Knightley Harrison after- 
wards became Master of Rugby, the first Rugbeian who 
is recorded to have been Master of his old School. 

Greene was evidently working the School up, in spite 
of difficulties. Two of these boys must have been boarders, 
and they all may have been so. Nor is it in the least 
likely that these were the only boys sent up to the Uni- 
versities from Rugby. Of all the colleges in Oxford and 
Cambridge, four only, so far as I have been able to 
discover, show details of schools and masters in their 
Entrance Registers at this early date. These are Christ's 
and St. John's (both on the same royal foundation), 
Gonville and Caius, and Sidney Sussex, at Cambridge; 1 
and at Oxford, not one. If Rugby boys are found within 
a few years at three out of these four, it is only fair to 
assume that there were others elsewhere. It is also pro- 
bable that the same is true of an earlier date, though 
perhaps in a less degree. The reader needs only to recall 
the case of John Howkins, and Mr. Nicholas GreenhilFs 
comfortable nest of eggs. 

institutes per septennium opera M ri Nicholai Lovingdein, in Schola 
publica Rugbeiensi in Com. Warwicensi per spatiuw anni, ultimo 
Coventriae in schola communi sub M ro White per biennium et aliquot 
menses adolescens annorum 16 admissus est pensionarius ad convictum 
Scholarium discipulorum Maii 10. Tutore Clemente Burton SS. The. 
Bac. solvitqwe pro ingressu v s . 

1 The entries in question begin at the following dates : Caius, 
1559/60 ; Sidney, 1609 ; Christ's, 1622 ; St. John's, 1629/30. The first 
and last are printed, and the third soon will be. The Sidney Registers 
are very interesting, and it is to be hoped they will not be left in MS. 


In 1641, Wilgent Greene died ; and on his death an 
event took place which shows how careless the Trustees 
must have been in fulfilling their trust. All the Trustees 
of 1614 were dead except two, Sir Thomas Leigh, of Stone- 
leigh, and Sir Roger Fielding. Evidently the clause of 
the decree providing for the co-opting of new Trustees 
after the death of any three, had been entirely neglected, 
for five new ones had been appointed by Chancery in 
1632. 1 But a still greater neglect is shown in the terms 
of a petition 2 presented in 1642 by some of the inhabit- 
ants of Rugby to Francis Lord Dunsmore, son of the late 
John Leigh, Esq., one of the Trustees of 1602. In this 
remarkable document the inhabitants of Rugby claim as 
" their accustomed right " the choice of the schoolmaster. 
If this be not mere bluster, it means that Wilgent Greene 
was elected by the people of Rugby, and perhaps Rolfe 
also. We may suppose the fact to be that the people of 
Rugby, or those prominent among them, chose a man for 
the post, and then asked the Trustees to confirm the 

1 List in Kugby School Eegister is correct. 

2 Printed in Bloxam's Rugby, pp. 34, 35. I use this copy because I 
cannot trace the original. But I have some reluctance in so doing, 
since there are evidences of incorrect copying. " Delay ne the Schooles 
Gallary, the poores means," is not lucid ; and I have no doubt the 
manuscript reads, " detayne the Schoole [or Schoolm] sallary," which 
is what the defaulters always did. "Detayned their wages" has 
already occurred in Greenhill's Answer (above, p. 51), and it is a kind 
of stock phrase. Yet a theory has been based upon the supposed 
"gallary." I may mention that a long s carelessly written is easily 
mistaken for g. Since writing the above, I have found a transcript of 
this petition, which appears to be in Mr. Bloxam's hand. It reads, 
" detayne the Schoole sallary." 


choice. No doubt the Trustees were glad enough to 
accept an arrangement which saved so much trouble. Of 
any official appointment by Trustees or by one of them, 
in document or otherwise, no trace exists among the Trust 
Papers until 1651. There were no regular accounts kept, 
no minutes made, and everything bears out the supposi- 
tion that since Greenhiirs day the inhabitants of Rugby 
had been the real governors of Rugby Charity. Among 
the "inhabitants of Rugby 11 there were, as we see, two 
factions those who wished well to the Trust, though 
perhaps not without some desire to have a finger of their 
own in the pie ; and those who wished to use the Trust 
to their own private advantage. The latter rallied round 
the Howkins clan, who paid the schoolmaster and alms- 
men, as we have seen. There is also reason to think they 
had a great deal to say in appointing of the almsmen. 
William Howkins on one occasion took a leaf out of an 
old book, and finding an almsman already in possession, 
knocked the lock off the door, and put in his man by 
force. 1 Another enemy (though perhaps united to the 
Howkinses in a dual alliance, which has its parallel in 
modern political life) was Sir William Boughton, son of 
Edward. One of the Howkinses' grievances against this 
man was that he " placed and displaced almsmen at his 
own pleasure." Once he even put in an able-bodied youth 
of twenty, one of his own tenants, who took his sevenpence 
or ninepence a week, and enjoyed himself for many a long 
year. 2 The friendly party, whom we may call the benevo- 
1 Trust Papers, No. 19. 2 Named Butler. Ibid., No. 86, fol. 20, et al. 


lent despots, consisted at the time of which we now speak, 
of the Rector, Mr. Nalton, of Richard Elbrowe, and a 
number of others, 1 some of whom we meet again as trades- 
men in the Trustees 1 Accounts. These persons seem to 
have called a representative public meeting ; for they state 
that the " inhabitants of Rugby, consisting of nine score 
families,'" 1 chose as Master a certain Edward Clerke, Master 
of Arts. The choice was approved by " the neighbouring 
towns who are to have benefit, as well as your petitioners," 
and then submitted for ratification to the surviving Trustees 
of 1614, and to the heirs of those who were dead. The 
majority of those applied to appear to have consented to 
place Clerke in the School ; but as there was some dispute, 
the matter " came to hearing before the late Lord Keeper, 
who thought fit and so ordered that Clerke should have 
the place. And the said Clerke was thereupon, and by 
an order of this court, placed accordingly in the said 
School." There is other evidence to confirm this state- 
ment that Clerke actually held the post for some little 
time. Among the papers of the Trust 2 is a case stated for 
the opinion of counsel. The historical recital in the earlier 
part of it contains mistakes, but there can be no mistake 
about one sentence, " Now [Edwjard Clerke is Schoolem r ; 
and hee may alsoe in his tyme avoyde the Lease and 
obteyne all arerages which will bee about 250 U ." We 
must therefore add Clerke's name to the list of Masters. 

1 See the petition, I.e. 

2 Not numbered, but enclosed by me in a white envelope. Opinion 
of K. W. Newdigate at foot. The paper is torn. 


There is no reason for doubting that this Edward 
Clerke is the man described in Alumni Oxonienses as the 
son of Henry Clerke, 1 of Rugby, plebeius? From his later 
record he was clearly a fit and proper person for the post, 
and it was a pity that he was not continued in it. His 
rival was by no means so satisfactory a person ; and it is 
one of the many puzzles of these years why this appoint- 
ment was allowed to be set aside. As a Rugby man, he 
was probably educated in the School, although no evi- 
dence to prove it is forthcoming. If so, Clerke, and not 
Harrison, is the first Rugbeian who was Master of his old 

The rival candidate was backed by Sir Roger Fielding, 
one of the two surviving Trustees of 1614. His name was 
Raphael Pearce, and he, like Clerke, was a " plebeian, 1 ' of 
Warwickshire. 3 At this time Pearce was, and for some 
fourteen years had been, vicar of Long Itchington, near 
Rugby. The petitioners amiably point out that Pearce 
was poor and had many children, who might become 
chargeable to the parish if he were appointed. These 
arguments naturally showed themselves in a different 

1 Was this the Henry Clerke, then of Whitechapel, who took a lease 
of Conduit Close for 10 ? See above, p. 56. 

2 Matriculated from Magdalen Hall, July 4, 1634, aged 16 ; B.A., 
Jan. 15, 1635/6 ; M.A., from Hart Hall, Oct. 30, 1638 ; D.D., Dec. 1, 
1660 ; Canon of Kochester, 1670 ; " perhaps Rector of Bowers Gifford, 
Essex, 1641, and again 1661, having probably been ejected." 

3 Matriculated from Balliol College, Nov. 10, 1618, aged 18 ; B.A., 
Nov. 14, 1622; M.A., July 6, 1626 (called Ralph); vicar of Long 
Itchington, 1628-42. He is always Raphael in the Papers and Books at 


light to Pearce, who was glad to exchange his poor 
vicarage for the luxury of sixteen pounds a year and a 
boarding-house. Sir Roger Fielding and Mr. Bassett, 
who was afterwards elected a Trustee, moved the influen- 
tial people of the county on his behalf, running a cross-fire 
of accusations of bribery and corruption, but undismayed. 
In the end they prevailed ; Edward Clerke was deposed 
from his post, and in 1641 1 Raphael Pearce became the 
seventh Master of Rugby School. 

Poor Pearce seems to have been a weak man, and 
during his lifetime things went from bad to worse in the 
Rugby charity. In vain he prayed and petitioned Sir 
Thomas Leigh to choose other Trustees who might take 
some interest in the School, " having found the want of 
feoffees very prejudicial," and those already elected living 
remote and being occupied with greater cares. 2 There 
was no response, and the School seemed left to its fate. 
A pitiful picture of the Master's life is given in a peti- 
tion 3 drawn up after his death 011 behalf of Mrs. Pearce, 
the almsmen, and certain inhabitants of Rugby, to obtain 
arrears claimed by them. The Master, according to this 
interesting document, " for his singular Learning and 
Industry was exceeding fitt for the said Place, and 

1 The date follows from Note 2, p. 66, combined with the statement 
in No. 72 that he was appointed in 17 Charles I. (ie. between March 
27, 1641, and March 26, 1642). See also 100 A., fol. 8, where a receipt 
of Pearce's is dated 1641. 

2 Trust Papers : bundle of documents without numbers, now en- 
closed in white envelope. 

3 See Appendix : Trust Papers, No. 72. 


deserved much more than his share of the income of the 
Trust." His industry we will take for granted ; but the 
lady's judgement of learning may perhaps be suspected, 
inasmuch as she could not write her own name. She 
signs a receipt for moneys received with a cross, "Joan 
Pearce + her mark." l However, we must not be too 
severe on a disability which Joan Pearce shared with 
Shakespeare's mother and Milton's daughter. Yet 
although with Pearce learning did not begin at home, he 
managed to send up his boys to the Universities as here- 
tofore, unless Richard Mason of St. John's is a solitary 
instance. 2 Mason lived at Pailton, so he must have been 
a boarder. But this was at the beginning of Pearce's 
tenure, and as time went on there can have been little work 
done at Rugby School. With the poor man's sufferings we 
cannot but feel the fullest sympathy. The Howkinses, 
seeing what manner of man they had to do with, began to 
keep back part of his salary. As the petitioners plead, 
" his great meritt and paines taking notwithstanding," a 
certain Widow Howkins, tenant of the Brownsover par- 
sonage, " did ever since the beginning of these unhappy 
Warres to the time of his death denye to pay unto him " 
and the almsmen the rent due from her. The tenants of the 

1 Trust Papers, No. 130 : Joan Pearce's receipt for fifteen pounds 
in part payment of arrears, February 2, 1668/9. 

2 St. John's College, Cambridge, 1642. " Eichard Mason, son of 
Edward Mason, plebei, of Pelton, Warwickshire ; born at Pelton ; 
school, Kugby (Mr. Peirse) for one year ; admitted sizar for Mr. Peachy, 
surety Mr. Topping, Nov., a3t. past 16." (For this entry I am indebted 
to Mr. E. E, Sikes. ) 


Close property also waxed fat and wanton, refusing to pay 
even the rent of fifteen pounds a year which they had agreed 
to pay to Wilgent Greene. They urged in excuse that 
their land had been damaged by breastworks drawn across 
it during the Civil War, " whereas the said Close conteyneth 
Ten acres or thereabouts, and not the quantitie of one acre 
thereof was spoyled by the said workes." The complaint 
was well grounded, and is attested by evidence. We are 
told that neither Elias, Jane, and William Howkins, " nor 
any of them, did pay unto the said Raphael Pearce the 
aforesaid sum of Twelve pounds yearly, but did deduct and 
keepe back a greate parte thereof for taxes and quarters, 
amounting in the whole to the summe of ll u 17 s 5V 1 
From other entries 2 it would appear that this sum was 
kept back in one or more years, so that the unfortu- 
nate Pearce seems to have received for his year's salary 
two shillings and sevenpence sterling. It is not surprising 
to learn that thereby " he was much dampnified." In con- 
sequence, Pearce " became in extreme want and exceeding 
poore, having nothing many times wherewith to provide 
Bread for himselfe his wife and children, which caused a 
wonderfull weakness in his body. Which same weakness, 
for want of sufficient dyet, growing more and more upon 
him, it brought him at last to his much lamented death, 11 to 
the great loss of the children of the neighbourhood, " who 
might otherwise to this day and for a long time have 

1 Trust Papers, No. 25, fol. 33. The language leaves it doubtful 
whether this was not a sum total of more years than one. 

2 As in the Appendix, Breviate ; and elsewhere in the Papers. 


been taught by so able honest and painfull a Schoole 
master. 11 Pearce died about midsummer 1651, 1 having for 
some little time before ceased to teach, 2 and leaving his 
family destitute. 

During this gloomy period the School and School- 
house were falling into a terrible state of ruin. As the 
Master did not receive his salary, he could hardly be 
expected to keep the premises in repair; and although 
the Howkinses swore they had done so, this was certainly 
not true. Some small jobs may have been done, but it 
was proved that for many years the house had been totter- 
ing, and one Henry Perkins deposed that "the Schoole 
house end in all his tyme was stopped with straw to keepe 
out rain and wind. 11 3 John Howkins accused Pearce of 
suffering " decayes and tymber to be carried away. 11 4 
Perhaps the timbers had fallen down, or perhaps the 
poor man sold them to keep body and soul together. He 
is also accused of breaking up the beams and benches of 
the School for firewood. 5 This was after a fire which 
destroyed part of the house. 

Such was the deplorable state of Rugby School in the 
middle of the seventeenth century. And not of Rugby 
only ; for during many years the nation had been con- 

1 Trust Papers, No. 95, Brief, section 20. 

2 Trust Papers, No. 51, printed in Appendix : "first by the deser- 
cion and after by the death of Mr. Kaphaell Peirce." 

3 Trust Papers, No. 97. Perkins was educated at the school under 
Greene, No. 86, fol. 60. 

4 Francis Satchell's evidence, Trust Papers, No. 138, fol. 10. 

5 Chancery Depositions : Charitable Uses, Warwickshire, Bundle 1 6, 
No. 4 (1654). Papers, No. 86, fol. 15. 


cerned more with fighting than teaching. Many a school 
must have been nigh to destruction, like the Grammar 
School of Grimston, which, as well as Rugby, had its 
schoolhouse in ruins, and its master gone. 1 But, as the 
old ballad says, " when bale is at highest, boot is at next. 11 
Brighter days were approaching, and a new stage in the 
School's history will be opened in the following chapter. 

1 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1656, p. 387. 



IT was now more than half a century since the proceed- 
ings in Chancery began, and the state of affairs were 
this. Rose Wood had disappeared from this mortal 
scene, and the Howkins family had got into their hands 
the whole of the property at stake. Over the property 
in Brownsover they claimed absolute ownership and right 
of disposal, subject only to the annual rent charge of 
. 13s. 4d., although the value of it had increased to 
The actual tenant at this time was William How- 
kins, great-grandson of John and of Bridget, the sister 
of Lawrence Sheriffe; he had lately married, and upon 
marriage, he, with his wife Mary, settled in the old par- 
sonage house. John Howkins, of whom we have already 
spoken, the barrister of South Minis, had got a lease 
of the Conduit Close share from Rose Wood^s executor, 
and acknowledged no more than a claim of fifteen 
pounds a year on the part of the School. He even 
made deductions from this sum for taxes and occasional 
damages. Yet the land was already sublet for twenty 



pounds. 1 John Howkins was now the heart of the whole 
business, moving heaven and earth to effect his purposes, 
and alleging all manner of malice and evil intent. Two 
Commissions having already sat in 1602 and 1614, How- 
kins applied for a third, which is said to have been 
granted in 1652. 2 But as it appeared that certain docu- 
ments had been taken out and burnt (this is laid at the 
door of the Howkins family), this Commission proved 
abortive, and in 1653 it was superseded by another, 
which finally settled the case. 3 The inquiry proved that 
the Howkinses and the previous tenants of Conduit Close 
had misused the profits of the lands which they held. It 
consequently decreed that William and Mary Howkins 
were to be outed of the possession of the Brownsover 
property, and arrears were to be paid amounting in all to 
the large sum of <^?74&. 8s. 4d., which was to be employed 
in paying salaries due, and costs, and in repair of the 
School buildings and Almshouses. A new body of twelve 
Trustees was appointed ; or rather, those still surviving, 
namely, Sir John Cave, William Dixwell, Timothy St. 
Nicholas, Walter Marriott, were confirmed in the Trust, 
and others were added to fill up the number of twelve. 4 
The whole property of the Trust was vested in these 
Trustees ; but it was recommended that those of the body 
of John and Mary Howkins should have preference as 
tenants in Brownsover, as directed by the Founder ; not, 

1 Trust Papers, No. 80, fol. 21, where full details are given. 

2 Bloxam, Rugby, p. 37 ; Brief printed in full. 

3 See Appendix. 

4 List in Rugby School Register, vol. i. p. viii. 


however, paying the sum of 16. IBs. 4d. as rent, but 
" such rents as the feoffees shall think fit." At the same 
time the Commission, mindful of the past, administered 
a gentle rebuke to the Trustees by making provisions 
which must keep them up to their work, or else lay them 
open to a serious action at law. They were told to meet 
four times a year; and to prevent these meetings being 
crowded together to the detriment of the Trust, the days 
were fixed as the first Tuesday in February, May, August, 
and November. They were to draw up orders for the 
good conduct of School and almsmen ; they were en- 
joined to fill up vacancies at their next meeting after 
each; they were to receive rents and pay salaries. No 
lands were to be let for more than seven years, and never 
for less than the greatest rent that could be got. All 
repairs were to be paid for by the Trustees out of surplus 
moneys, not by the Schoolmaster as heretofore; and 
any overplus after all expenses were paid to be divided 
pro rata between Schoolmaster and almsmen. They were 
to provide a chest with four locks and keys, only to be 
opened at their meetings, wherein they were directed to 
place all records, deeds, and counterparts of leases. The 
Howkinses, still game, exhibited exceptions to this de- 
cree, and the legal adviser of the Trust made replications 
thereto. This dragged the wearisome case on for four- 
teen years longer, but the decree was not upset. At last, 
on November 26, 1667, just a century after the decease 
of the Founder, Sir Orlando Bridgeman, Lord Keeper 
of the Great Seal of England, finally confirmed the 


previous decree. Since that day no vexatious litigants 
have attacked the property of Rugby School. 

In 1678 died one of the chief opponents of the Trust, 
John Howkins, barrister-at-law, of South Minis, in the 
county of Middlesex, at the age of ninety-nine years. His 
will 1 disposes of several pieces of land in Hadley, Browns- 
over, Middlesex, and the Strand, and shows him to have 
been a rich man. To the last he kept his ineradicable 
bitterness against the school where he had been educated ; 
and this is the more remarkable, because he was by way of 
being a charitable person himself in his own county. He 
speaks of five almshouses which he had built in South 
Minis many years before. His bequest for them, how- 
ever, is coupled with conditions that indicate a quarrel 
with the clergyman or churchwardens. Perhaps he believed 
it just that he should rob Peter to pay Paul ; for his last 
request to his cousin, William Howkins, is that he should 
get the opinion of counsel about his right in Brownsover 
parsonage, from which " the grandson of John and Bridget 
Howkins was outed contrary to the intent of Lawrence 
Sheriffe, and contrary to all equity and good conscience. 1 ' 
The last years of Raphael Pearce were embittered by 
want, and it is not surprising to learn that he ceased to 
perform his duties some little time before his death. We 
have nothing to show who, if any one, took care of the 
School between Pearce's "desertion" (as our authority 
calls it) 2 and the appointment of his successor in the 

1 In Somerset House, Book Reeve, fol. 126 ; proved Nov. 6, 1678. 

2 Letter of Lord Leigh. Papers, No. 6. 


December following his death. Pearce died about mid- 
summer, and thus a clear six months elapsed of which 
we have no account. To this must be added at least 
three months more, for the following reason : The suc- 
ceeding Schoolmaster claimed a sum of three pounds, 
that is one quarter's salary, from Howkins, which should 
have been paid to Pearce ; and we know that Pearce dis- 
continued his work towards the end of his lifetime. For 
nine months then, at least, Rugby seems to have had no 
Schoolmaster in charge. It is possible that assistance of 
some sort was to be had, but there is no hint of it. A 
paragraph of the decree of 1653 provides, that " if the 
Trustees find the multitude of the scholars to be too great 
for one man's teaching, they are either themselves to find, 
or to enjoin the Schoolmaster to provide, an usher, and 
allow him such salary out of the overplus of the rents, 
which would otherwise come to the Master, as they think 
fit." Had there ever been an usher before ? Had Pearce 
any kind of assistance, rendered by a curate or some 
other ? We know nothing of it ; but that does not prove 
that this was not the case. In Holyoake's time we first 
hear of ushers, but we hear of them by accident. No 
entry is made in the Trustees 1 Books when they are 
appointed or cease to act ; and at the period of which 
we now speak there were no Trustees 1 Books even. Per- 
haps Howkins put in a man, or Boughton (as his father, 
Sir William, once tried to do, 1 and as the first Edward 
Boughton actually did); perhaps the nine score families 
1 Trust Papers, No. 138, fol. 19 (Evidence of Perkins). 


of Rugby stepped into the breach. But there is no hint 
anywhere, so far as I know, of any such thing. Nothing 
can be asserted, and we must wait for future light. 

Fortunately here all uncertainty ends for ever. The 
next two appointments have, by a happy chance, been 
preserved among the papers of the Trust, where they lay 
until the other day unregarded. Both these interesting 
documents are printed in the Appendix. 1 The appoint- 
ments are made by Thomas Lord Leigh, who claims to 
be the sole surviving feoffee of the Rugby Charity. 

On December 4, 1651, Lord Leigh nominated and 
appointed his "well-beloved in Christ, Peter White- 
head, Schoolmaster of the said Free School. 1 ' The 
wording of this should be noticed, because it has 
some importance. There is a mystery about Peter 
Whitehead. Was he a Master of Arts? Howkins 
roundly asserts that he was not, but that he was " proved 
a Proctor of the Civill Lawe at Leicester " ; 2 being there- 
fore not qualified for a Schoolmaster according to the 
intent of the Founder ; that he was not legally elected, 
Sir Thomas Leigh being only a son of the last surviving 
feoffee. 3 To this Harrison, the legal representative of 
the Trust, replies that he "was and is lawfully elected 
and established Schoolemaster of the ffree Schoole of 
Lawrence Sheriffe, by lawfull authority as hee ought to be 
by Sir Thomas Leigh, the surviving" ffeoffee as by the 

1 Below, Appendix III. c. 

2 Trust Papers, No. 80, fol. 24. 

3 Trust Papers, No. 138, fol. 4, and elsewhere. 


aforesaid Inquisition is found " ; that he " conceives and 
believes " Whitehead to have been " a very fitt man for 
the said Imployment." But the cautious lawyer does not 
say Whitehead was a Master of Arts, only that no evi- 
dence had been brought to the contrary. 1 When we 
observe that Lord Leigh does not call his nominee Mr. 
Whitehead, as he does call the next appointed, 2 we begin 
to suspect that Howkins had some truth. Neither Oxford 
nor Cambridge knows Peter Whitehead as a Master of 
Arts, or in any other capacity ; and this practically settles 
the question. We must take it that, on the evidence, 
Whitehead was not a Master of Arts. 

But it by no means follows that Whitehead was not a 
fit person for the post. Even by the Founder's intent it 
was not absolutely necessary that the Schoolmaster should 
be a Master of Arts. Richard Scale and Wilgent Greene 
are only recorded to have taken the Bachelor's degree ; and 
at this time the one thing needful was to settle the lawsuit 
for ever. Under these circumstances, it is impossible not 
to suspect that Whitehead was put in by Lord Leigh as 
a hard-headed man of business, who would be likely to see 
the case well through the court. For, it must be remem- 
bered, the Schoolmaster and almsmen always appear on 
the one part as against the exceptants. They were, of 
course, represented by a lawyer ; but the case of Greene, 
not to mention Pearce, is enough to show that the School- 
master was an important figure in the affair. Whitehead 
may have actually been a lawyer, as asserted by Howkins. 

1 Trust Papers, No. 80, fol. 24. 2 Below, Appendix III. d. 


The supposition is confirmed by his shrewdness in dealing 
with Howkins. The other Masters took what they could 
get, and were truly thankful; Whitehead absolutely re- 
fuses to give a receipt for any payment, without adding a 
proviso, that this should not prejudice a certain quarter's 
salary which had not been paid to Pearce. 1 This, it would 
seem, Howkins kept back, on pretence that Pearce had 
died before the quarter-day. Whether the pretence were 
true or not (and it probably was not true 2 ), the money 
was not the tenant's to keep, but belonged to the Trust. 
Whitehead may or may not have been a Master of Arts, 
but he held the Mastership for nine years ; and of that 
period Sir Thomas Leigh writes, "I never heard but 
that Mr. Whitehead was very diligent and painfull in 
the Schoole." 3 He resigned in 1660, 4 and so passes out 
of this history. He must have died soon after, for we 
find a receipt from his relict, Frances Whitehead, for 
arrears, dated Oct. 20, 1665. 5 Mrs. Whitehead, like Mrs. 
Pearce, could not write her name ; but education is clearly 
advancing, for she signs two immense and weedy initials. 
The remainder of the name is written by Mary Whitehead, 
who is also a witness, in one document; 6 in others the 
friendly hand is absent, and the Schoolmaster's wife has 
frankly to make " her mark." 7 

1 Trust Papers, No. 138 : Brief, fol. 19. 

2 See p. 68 ; and Harrison's answers deny it. 

3 Original letter of T. L. to Mr. Blunt : Trust Papers, No. 51 B. 

4 Same letter. 5 Trust Papers, No. 51 C. 

6 Trust Papers, No. 137 (1668). 

7 Trust Papers, No.- 157, dated Aug. 3, 1670. In No. 151, dated 
1668, John Allen signs as witness. 


On the resignation of Peter Whitehead, Lord Leigh 
promptly appointed John Allen to succeed him. 1 I have 
not been able to identify John Allen with one of the 
numerous persons who appear by that name on the Uni- 
versity books. Of him as a Schoolmaster we know nothing ; 
but of the School and the general management of the 
Charity from this time we have more full information. 

The decree conveying the decision of 1653 laid down 
exact directions for the management of the property, 
similar to those of previous decrees, which we have already 
described. The income of the Charity was to be spent 
at the discretion of the Trustees, and consequently they 
were henceforward responsible for any misuse. During 
the fourteen years between 1653 and 1667 these regula- 
tions must have been neglected. Lord Leigh's appoint- 
ment of John Allen, in which he calls himself " the 
surviving feoffee " of Rugby School, is sufficient to prove 
that he did not act in concert with the others, perhaps 
did not acknowledge them ; and that there were others, 
the first page of the Trustees' Books is evidence. That 
page is signed by five, who call themselves "the survivors" 
of the body, as appointed, I presume, in 1653. There 
is no evidence that the Trustees had held the quarterly 

1 [Resignation, Oct. 19 : Letter of Lord Leigh, Trust Papers, No. 
51 B. Appointment, Oct. 13 : Paper not numbered (now enclosed in 
white envelope). The latter is a certified copy, and must be correct. 
The letter was doubtless written in 1668, just before the receipt 
No. 151, which acknowledges a payment demanded in the letter ; thus 
the writer's memory probably misled him in placing the appointment 
of one before the resignation of the other. 


meetings, and in all probability they held very few. 1 
What moneys were paid in by the various tenants were 
received by the Master, and some part of them he con- 
tinued to receive until a Clerk was appointed 2 in 1668. 
Whether the Master paid the almsmen, we can only guess; 
but he was doubtless responsible for repairs, and the anti- 
cipation of good things to come led Whitehead to launch 
out in this direction as early as 1652. 3 But in 1667, 
when the suit ended for good and all, the Trustees pulled 
themselves together and turned over a new leaf. They 
met in Rugby in the autumn of that year, and continued 
to meet quarterly for sixty-three years before their ardour 
began to cool. The attendance is fairly good at these 
meetings, though the whole body is rarely if ever present. 
Shortly after the first meeting, a chest was bought to 
contain all documents relating to the Trust (as had been 
directed by Chancery fifty years before), and a Clerk 
(Edmund Bromwich) appointed to receive and account 
for moneys, and to represent the Trust. The accounts 
and orders are set down in the books from this time 
without intermission. The Trustees 1 meetings at this 
time appear to have been held in the School-house ; the 
Master entertained them and received five shillings for 
the expenses of each meeting. 

1 The only evidence for meetings is a payment of one pound to Allen 
for "four meetings of the former feoffees," Aug. 4, 1668. 

2 Trustees Books, Oct. 10, 1667 : John Allen to receive the rents of 
Conduit Close until further order. 

3 Bill for hair, lime, glazing school windows, and work, May 15, 
1652. (Papers; not numbered.) 


The Trustees also busied themselves in seeing to the 
good government of the School. They drew up a scheme 
of rules, which was copied out on vellum, framed, and 
posted up in the School. 1 These probably did little 
more than codify and enforce existing practice, and must 
have had to do with general behaviour rather than with 
matters scholastic. One of the rules (the only one known 
to us) was that the almsmen were to attend prayers at 
the School, morning and evening, in their gowns. We are 
to understand that the almsmen, judging from past laxi- 
ties, were less punctual in obeying this than might be 
desired. Accordingly, a few years later 2 a sharp lesson was 
administered to them, their quarter's salary being declared 
forfeit " for their neglect in observing the order of re- 
sorting to the Schoole to heare prayers." The fright was 
considered sufficient, however, and at the next meeting 
the forfeited money was returned. The almsmen appear 
to have been quite exemplary after this fright, for only 
one other entry occurs in the books regarding the attend- 
ance at prayers. This was in 1707, when George Webb, 
" haveing been absent two mornings and ffive evenings 
from prayers this last Quarter, is ffined ffour pence half- 
penny according to the Orders." 3 The terms of this 
order will show that the interpretation was strict : the 
fine would seem to have been a penny for morning 

1 Trustees' Books, Nov. 4, 1673. Old Vouchers, 1749 : "For a frame 
for y e Orders of y e School, 0-2 8 -6 d . One skin of parchment, 0-1-6. 
Engrossing the Orders of y e School, 0-6-0." 

2 Trustees' Books: Order of August 4, 1674. 

3 Trustees' Books: Order of May 6, 1707 


prayers, and a halfpenny for the evening. When the 
almsmen discontinued attending prayers is not known; 
but they used to take part in Speech Day proceedings 
until the middle of the present century, since when all direct 
connection of the almsmen with the School has ceased. 

One remarkable paragraph in the abstract of pro- 
ceedings printed in the Appendix 1 has been already 
noticed. By this the Trustees were authorised, if they 
found that " the multitude of the scholars was too great 
for one man's teaching, 11 to pay for an usher, or to allow 
the Master money to pay one. We have seen that even 
in its darkest days, when the Master had not bread for 
his family, Rugby boys were not unknown at the Universi- 
ties. During the years that had since elapsed, things 
looked so much brighter, that we may believe the School 
was already beginning to grow. No entry in the books 
records the appointment of an usher for many years, but 
it is not improbable (as we shall see) that one was 
appointed by the Master on his own account, before we 
first hear of them under Holyoake. The right of appoint- 
ing assistant masters remained with the Trustees, though 
they delegated the practical exercise of it to the Master. 
In this Rugby differs from many other schools, and the 
facts here given explain why. 

Immediately after the final order of Sir Orlando 

Bridgeman, money began to come in. The receipts in 

August 1668 amounted to %50. 6s. 8d., but of course a 

great deal of this was already due. There were outstand- 

1 Page 74. 


ing lawyers' bills (portentously long bills, which still 
exist), and the Trust was besieged by widows of previous 
Masters who claimed arrears to a considerable amount. 
Mrs. Pearce and Mrs. Whitehead, to our great relief, have 
their husbands' salaries paid by degrees, and in 1670 all 
is paid up. But the Howkinses were still refractory, and 
refused to give possession of the property. Consequently, 
William Howkins was prosecuted, and thrown into prison, 
whence he was not released until he paid ^100 and gave 
security for \%fl more. 1 The income being now regular, 
so are the allowances ; from the year 1668 Mr. Allen re- 
ceives 15 a year, and the almsmen in proportion. The 
Master arranged for repairs at his own discretion, and was 
repaid by the Trustees ; until a rather long bill caused them 
to forbid any work to be done about the buildings without 
their order. 2 Thus we have the Schoolmaster in the en- 
joyment of a regular if modest competence, and the School 
gathering strength for new efforts which were before long 
to bring it fame. 


It is impossible to pass over the name of John Singleton, though 
it is impossible with the light we have to find him a place. The 
only evidence for any connection with Rugby School is a passage 
quoted by Bloxam/ from Pike's Ancient Meeting Houses in Old 

1 Trustees' Books, May 3, 1670. 
3 Nov. 4, 1673. 

3 Rugby ', p. 39. I take from the same place the quotation out of Wilson. 
I have been unable to verify the references. 


London, where he is called the ee ejected Head Master of Rugby 
School." As an ejected Schoolmaster he would be by no means 
unique in Rugby ; but it is difficult to see where he could come in. 
The gap between Pearce and Whitehead calls aloud for Singleton 
to walk into it ; but, unluckily, Singleton did not enter at Oxford 
until three years later. 1 Calamy, in his Nonconformist Memorials, 2 
says that he was ejected from Brasenose in 1660, and went into 
Warwickshire, where he lived with his wife's brother, Dr. Timothy 
Gibbons, a physician. He seems to have had a genius for being 
ejected, which would naturally attract him to Rugby ; and it is 
just possible he occupied the place for a short time between White- 
head and Allen. The inhabitants of Rugby perhaps knew of him 
from Dr. Timothy Gibbons, the physician, and placed him in charge 
like Clerke, only to meet the same fate. Lord Leigh's date for 
Whitehead's resignation is obviously wrong, and there may have 
been a gap here. On the other hand, we know of none, nor is the 
thing likely, since Whitehead resigned ; and as there is no such 
evidence for Singleton as there is for Clerke, it is best not to place 
him in the list of Masters. He would probably have been a wel- 
come acquisition to Rugby ; for he is spoken of as famous for classi- 
cal learning, arid as having great skill in the education of youth. 3 
That worthy physician, Dr. Timothy Gibbons, would seem to have 
had some influence over Singleton, for Singleton studied physic at 
Ley den, in Holland. 4 

Bloxam's suggestion that he was appointed to Rugby in 1660, 
and left it under the Act of Uniformity in 1662, is ingenious, but 
is now seen to be impossible. During these years Allen was in 

1 Servitor of Christ Church ; matriculated October 18, 1654 (age not 
stated) ; B.A., December 1655; M.A., June 15, 1658. 

2 i. 217. 

3 "Wilson, History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches and Meeting 
Houses in London. 

4 Alumni Oxonienses. 


M.A., 1675-1681 LEONARD JEACOCKS, M.A., 1681-1688 
HENRY HOLYOAKE, M.A., 1688-1731. 

THE period of danger was now over at last, and the history 
of the School from this time is one of almost continuous 
growth. Foreseeing that its importance must increase 
now that the income was secure, and moreover was greater 
than ever before, 1 the Trustees thought fit to exact from 
the Schoolmaster, on appointment, a security in ,500 ; to 
be forfeited if the Master refused to obey the orders of the 
Trustees, or to give up the School at three months 1 notice 
from the major part of the Trustees. 2 This security was 
first asked in the case of Knightley Harrison. 3 This, the 
first Master appointed since the conclusion of the lawsuit, 
succeeded John Allen on his death early in 1670. 

1 The details are as follows, though a year or two passed before 
Howkins began to pay : Conduit Close (Mr. Blunt) : 20 per annum. 
Brownsover property (William Howkins) : 18 per annum. Browns- 
over, in lieu of tithes (Mr. Pettever, on behalf of Sir Edward Boughton) : 
28. 17s. 6d. Total, 66. 17s. 6d. 

2 Does this suggest that any previous Master had been contu- 
macious in this respect ? 

3 His original bond, and some others, are among the Trust Papers. 


Knightley Harrison 1 was at that time a man of middle 
age, having taken his M.A. at the University of Cam- 
bridge in 1641. He was a son of Mr. John Harrison, 
sometime Rector of Yelvertoft, and had spent one year in 
Rugby School under Greene (1631-32). He is thus the 
first old Rugbeian who is recorded to have become 
Master, unless Edward Clerke was one. 

In Harrison"^ first year his salary amounted to about 
thirty-four pounds, and it seems to have increased later 
to about forty pounds. 2 A good deal of money is spent 
in repairs of the School, Schoolhouse, and buildings; 
sometimes as much as ten guineas at one meeting. This 
is significant as showing the ruinous state of the build- 
ings. We must remember that it was more than the 
Master received for his whole salary. 

In 1675 Mr. Harrison resigned his post, and the 
Trustees appointed Robert Ashbridge, M.A., a Cumber- 
land man, from Queen's College, Oxford. 3 His Mastership 
marks an epoch in the history of the School, for immedi- 
ately upon his appointment he began the School Register. 4 
From the first entries we see clearly a fact of which there 
have already been indications, that the School was not 

1 Matriculated as a pensioner at Sidney Sussex, December 13, 1634, 
age 16 (see p. 59) ; proceeded A.B. 1637, A.M. 1641. Appointed to 
Kugby, May 3, 1670 (see Appendix). No other of the name appears 
on the University books. 

2 See Trustees' Books, November 4, 1673, and onwards. 

3 Matriculated (plebeius) 1663, aged 17 ; B.A. 1668, M.A. 1671/2. 
Alumni Oxonienses. 

4 Published by A. J. Lawrence, Rugby, 1881-1891 ; 3 volumes. The 
earliest volume contains a great many errors, and a new edition is 


merely or chiefly a free school for the boys of the neigh- 
bourhood. The names are arranged in two columns, 
foundationers and non-foundationers being kept apart. 
Of the twenty-six boys entered in 1675, nearly half lived 
at a distance from Rugby, and were not foundationers. 
One of them is a Vaux, of a well-known family of Cumber- 
land, and so we may suppose that Ashbridge was not 
without honour in his own country. Many of those 
admitted under Ashbridge bear names well known in 
the neighbourhood, such as Dixwell, Pettiver, Boughton, 
Shuckburgh, Cave, Caldecott. One of these, James Pet- 
tiver, became a distinguished naturalist; 1 and another, 
Ambrose Cave (son of Sir Thomas Cave, of Stomford 
Hall, Leicestershire), was afterwards a brigadier in the 
Life Guards. 

These boys, as has been pointed out already, must 
have boarded with the Master; in this matter we are 
fortunately not left at the mercy of a guess. Ashbridge 
had not been a year in the School when he saw the neces- 
sity of more accommodation for the increasing numbers. 
The Schoolhouse was probably too shaky to make any 
addition there convenient, and in consequence another 
storey was added over the School. 2 At least two cham- 
bers were built, and probably not more than two. Small 
dormitories or cubicles are a modern fashion ; and were it 
not for direct evidence, we should suppose the addition 
to have been one large room. In any case, there was no 

1 Bloxam's Rugby, p. 41. 

2 Order of May 20, 1676. See Appendix. 


reason for building a number of small chambers, and every 
reason against it. Perhaps one of these rooms was used for 
a playroom or workroom by the boys, as we shall see later 
done in the new school buildings. At this period the 
roof of the School was tiled, 1 though previously it had been 
thatched, like the house. At the same time, repairs of 
all sorts went on. New floors were put in the School 
and Schoolhouse hall ; 2 the barn was thatched, 2 and 
some of the walls 3 (which must therefore have been mud- 
walls, such as are still seen in the neighbourhood) ; doors 
and windows were put in, timbered, or glazed ; 4 locks were 
added ; 4 the pump and the coalhouse were put in order. 5 
A new desk was put up in the School for the Master's use. 6 

From all this activity it is clear that the School and 
all concerned in it were becoming more efficient, and the 
good intent of the religious Founder was in a way to be 
more fully realised. 

In the autumn of 1681 Ashbridge resigned, and his 
place was taken by Leonard Jeacock or Jeacocks, M.A., 
of New Inn Hall, Oxford. 7 During his six years of tenure 

1 See Trustees' Books, August 1, 1682. That the School was tiled 
is proved by the " estimate " for pulling it down. 

2 Trustees' Books, Feb. 5, 1677/8. 

3 May 7, 1678. 

4 Feb. 6, 1676/7 ; Nov. 6, 1677 ; Aug. 7, 1678, &c, 

5 May 1, 1677 ; Aug. 7, 1678, &c. 

6 Nov. 4, 1679. 

7 Matriculated at Trinity College, Oxford, March 24, 1670/1, pleb., 
aged 16; B.A. from New Inn Hall, 1674; M.A. 1677; appointed to 
Eugby, Aug. 2, 1681. The name is Jeacocke in the Trustees' Books, 
but it is given in the Alumni as Jeacockes, and in a deed preserved 
in Kugby School Museum he signs Jeacockes. 


the School seems to have fallen off. It is true, boys con- 
tinue to come from a distance, and the sons or kindred of 
some of the Trustees are sent to the School ; but there 
are only three entries in 1683 and 1684 together, while 
the two years following have none at all. The only 
event of importance to the School which occurred during 
Jeacocks" time was a lease of the Conduit Close property 
assigned for fifty-one years to Dr. Nicholas Barbon. 1 
The new tenant was to pay a large advance on the former 
rent, and to lay out a thousand pounds in building upon 
the land. At the same time a partition was made of the 
Close, so that a certain definite portion might be set apart 
for the School ; previously the School was entitled to one- 
third, but which third was not specified. This partition 
had actually been decreed in 1602, but never carried out. 
Henceforward Barbon paid a yearly rent of fifty pounds, 
until in 1695 he seems to have got into difficulties. The 
Master's income gradually rose to about fifty-six pounds. 

On the death of Jeacocks in 1688, the Trustees 
appointed to succeed him Henry Holyoake, who was 
destined to make a name for Rugby School. 2 He came of 
a family of scholars. 3 His father had a chequered career 
in Oxford as chaplain of his college, as captain of a com- 
pany of foot in the civil wars, as physician, and as lexi- 
cographer. Francis Holyoake, the grandfather of Henry, 
was also a lexicographer ; he, like his son, was a staunch 

1 Trustees' Books : Order of May 4, 1686. Indenture summarised in 
Bloxam, Rugby, p. 42. 

2 Trustees' Books : Order of Feb. 7, 1687/8. 

3 See Wood's Athence Oxon., and Bloxam, Rugby, p. 44. 


Royalist, and in the troubles his house was pillaged by 
the Parliament troops, who found arms in it. Henry 
Holyoake was a sturdy twig of this militant stock ; and 
during the forty-three years of his Mastership, Rugby 
sensibly increased in numbers and prestige. 

Holyoake received his early education in Magdalen 
College School, and afterwards entered the College, 1 rising 
finally to the post of chaplain. Owing to the arbitrary 
interference of James II., who ejected the President and a 
number of the Fellows, the rest of the Society, and Mr. 
Holyoake with them, left the College. When the Prince of 
Orange landed, James II. tried to atone for this injustice 
by reinstating those who had been expelled or had with- 
drawn, and amongst them is mentioned Holyoake. But 
meanwhile Holyoake had been elected to Rugby School, 
and there he chose to remain. He continued, however, 
to hold the chaplaincy two years longer, when he resigned 
from it. Holyoake was an incurable pluralist, and had 
already been Rector of Bourton upon Dunsmore. 2 Be- 
sides this, he accepted and held at various times the livings 
of Bilton 3 and of Harborough, 4 near Rugby ; putting a 
curate in each, who (as we shall see) also helped him in 
the School. 

With Holyoake's coming, the School began to increase 

1 Matriculated March 12, 1674, aged 17 ; B.A., Oct. 22, 1678 ; M.A., 
July 4, 1681 ; Clerk, 1676-81 ; Chaplain of Magdalen College, 1681-90. 
Mag. Coll. Registers, i. 95, by K. K. Bloxam, 

2 Appointed 1678 (Alumni Oxonienses). 

3 Trustees' Books : Order of Aug. 7, 1705. 

4 Trustees' Books : Order of Aug. 3, 1712. 


at once. It is, of course, possible that the Register was 
not duly filled in during the previous years, but there is 
nothing to prove it. Anyhow, in Holyoake''s first year 
the number of entries is twenty-six, including two who 
were not foundationers. But the proportion soon changes, 
and for the whole number of boys entered during 
his tenure nearly four-fifths were not on the founda- 
tion. Quite a number of these were sons of the old 
Warwickshire and Northamptonshire families. Some of 
the Trustees sent their own sons, and many of those 
educated in the School became Trustees in their turn. 
In this way a school tradition was formed and fostered. 
Others of the boys grew up to achieve greatness, or to 
have greatness thrust upon them. A long list has been 
compiled 1 of noblemen and baronets who were educated 
at Rugby in this period, which has its use in showing that 
the School was in high repute. There were others, again, 
who distinguished themselves in Church or State, in the 
Army and Navy, and in the Colonies. Two who made a 
considerable figure in letters deserve a brief mention. 2 

Thomas Carte entered the School in 1695. He gra- 
duated at Cambridge, and, after a period of flight and 
proscription for his political opinions, settled down to 
literary work. He produced a voluminous History of 
England, two volumes of Historical Documents, a Life 
of James, Dulte of Ormond, and other works of the same 
kind. But his fame, though solid, is perhaps eclipsed by 

1 Bloxam, Bugby, pp. 50-53. 

2 Rugby Register, i. 11, 15, and 12, notes ; Bloxam, Rugby, p. 49. 


Edward Cave, a journalist, and the friend of Dr. Johnson, 
who wrote Cave's life. Holyoake was not without tact, 1 
but there appears to have been a grievous misunderstanding 
between him and Cave, the result of which was that Cave 
left School under a cloud. Cave was the founder of the 
Gentleman's Magazine, which still goes on, while younger 
and more pretentious prints fly past and disappear. 
Appropriately enough, it is in this magazine, nearly a 
century later, that we find the first historical sketch of 
Rugby School. Fame of another kind belongs to the 
Reverend William Paul, who was tried in Westminster 
Hall for complicity in the Rebellion of 1715, and ended 
his career at Tyburn by being hanged, drawn, and quar- 
tered. Another Rugbeian of this date, Charles Holt, 2 
spent his life at Oxford, where he belonged to Magdalen 
College. He filled many of the University posts, amongst 
others those of University Lecturer in Moral Philosophy 
and in Natural Philosophy. He received the degree of 
D.C.L., and was buried in Magdalen College Chapel. 

The respect felt for Mr. Holyoake's powers and char- 
acter is shown not only by the number of boys sent him 
from a distance, but by other signs. He was presented, 
for one thing, to two livings in the neighbourhood of 
Rugby while he was Master, and the fact of his being 
allowed to hold them with the School shows the confidence 
which the Trustees felt in him. So also do the expres- 
sions used in their Orders concerning this matter. The 

1 See his letter in Bloxam, Rugly, p. 52. 

2 Ma dalen College Registers, vi. 140. Entered 1694. 


praise given in the two Orders in question is almost 
unparalleled in the history of Rugby. Other Masters 
have done good service to the School, but never before 
had the Trustees thought fit to recognise such service by 
a formal resolution ; and it never was done afterwards 
during any man's tenure of office, until the days of Arnold. 
They speak, on the first occasion, of their particular esteem 
for Mr. Holyoake, and approval of his labours, in "re- 
covering the Creditt and reputation of the Schoole," and 
hardly expect that such qualities as his will ever be seen 
in another Master. 1 They therefore suspend that Order 
by which no Master was allowed to have any other em- 
ployment along with the School. The second occasion 2 
brings out his character more clearly. Mr. Blake, who 
had married Holyoake's sister, was the previous incum- 
bent, and had spent much money in repairing and re- 
building the chancel and the parsonage house. He had, 
moreover, lost money by the failure of a tenant who 
farmed his tithes. Holyoake accordingly undertook to 
hold the living in the interest of Mrs. Blake and her child, 
paying a curate to do the work, and giving over the rest 
of the income to the widow. This is hardly in accord 
with modern ideas on the subject of clerical duty, but the 
man must be judged by his own times. The plain fact is, 
he might have had the income without losing in the 
estimation of his world, and yet resigned it out of kindli- 
ness. The same kindliness is shown by his will, 3 from 

1 Trustees' Books: Order of Aug. 7, 1705 ; printed in Appendix. 

2 Order of Aug. 3, 1712 ; printed in Appendix. 

3 Printed by Bloxam, Rugby, pp. 53, 54. 


which it appears that he kept a little cousin, Tommy 
Durnford, 1 for several years at the School at his own 
charges. He was of a quaint turn of mind, and perhaps 
the fanciful Latinising of his name, which he delighted 
to write De Sacra Quercu, is a sign of a salt of humour 
in him. 

The number of boys in the School, if we estimate six 
years to a school generation, must have been little short 
of a hundred ; and when Holyoake was in his prime, there 
were probably more. It is clear that one man could not 
have carried on the School alone, and there is evidence 
that Holyoake did not try. As we have already seen, 
the appointment of assistant masters was contemplated 
half a century before ; and it is quite possible that there 
may have been such under previous Masters. It is true 
no appointments were made by the -Trustees ; but neither 
were any made by them under Holyoake. The Master 
provided them himself. When he was permitted to accept 
the rectory of Bilton, in 1705, he undertook to engage a 
curate who should take care of his scholars when he 
officiated there in person. 2 The curate can hardly have 
spent all the days of the week in visiting the parishioners 
of a tiny village, and we cannot doubt that he made him- 
self useful in the School at times. Moreover, John Plomer, 
his successor, M.A. of Wadham, was one of Holyoake's 
ushers at some time between 1711 and 1717. 3 Another 
was John Pinley or Pinlay, a Master of Arts of Balliol 

1 1723-1731. 2 See Order, Appendix. 

3 See below. 


College, Oxford, who also held his post for several years. 
In his will, Holyoake bequeaths him %QQ, and releases him 
from debts to the amount of 4*5. 12s., " in consideration 
of his service in my schoole." We may fairly assume that 
Hodgkinson, who did the Master's work between Holyoake 
and Plomer, was previously an usher in the School. 

In this mastership the number of boarders must have 
taxed the accommodation to the utmost. We have already 
seen Ashbridge building two or more chambers over the 
big schoolroom ; and although Holyoake seems to have 
built another storey, 1 it is more than doubtful whether even 
so there would have been room for all Holyoake's boarders 
in the school premises. We have no evidence that any 
were boarded out in the town, or with an assistant; 
but it is not unlikely. Plomer or Pinley, therefore, was 
probably the first House Master among the assistants. 
They were both married men, 2 and therefore must have 
had houses of their own. It is difficult to see where they 
lived, for Rugby was a small place, and there were few 
houses in it of any size ; but they must have lived some- 
where. Holyoake was unmarried, but his cousin, Judith 
Holyoake, kept house for him ; and to her he left a legacy 
by his will, " as having been very serviceable in my house, 

1 Trustees' Books : Order of May 1, 1694 53, 19s. 8d. is spent in 
" making new chambers over the School." This is three times the sum 
spent by Ashbridge eighteen years before, and points to an extensive 
plan. If rebuilding had been meant, the phrase must have been 

2 For Pinley, see Holyoake's will. Two sons of Plomer are entered 
in the Register under 1731. 


and seemingly kind.' 1 Another relative, Elizabeth Story, 
also received acknowledgments for services of the same sort. 
What charge was made to the boarders we do not know, 
but Tommy DurnfoixTs incidental expenses for six years 
amounted to about ten pounds. This, of course, does not 
include board and lodging ; but a modern parent would 
not think it excessive for extras. 

What with boarders, and what with livings, Holy- 
oake's income must have been, for the times, not incon- 
siderable. His will shows him to have died possessed of 
some sixteen hundred pounds, not to mention outstanding 
"debts, dues, and demands." The salary paid by the 
Trustees was also increasing. In his first year he received 
upwards of fifty-six pounds, which by degrees grew to over 
seventy. At the same time the almsmen's pay was also 
increased, until they must have become the envied of all 
their peers. This was because, by the constitution of the 
Charity, after repairs and necessary expenses had been 
provided for, the income was to be divided in certain 
proportions between Master and almsmen. 

The value of the property was growing fast. Barbon, 
who had taken the first building lease of the London lands, 1 
failed to pay his rent for some years; but during the 
years 1702-5 2 arrears were paid up, and a new lease was 
granted to William Milman for sixty pounds, an increase 
of ten pounds over Barbon's. The Brownsover lands, 
again, now brought in twenty-eight pounds a year. 3 But 

1 Above, p. 88. 

2 Trustees' Books, Aug. 4, 1702 ; Aug. 3, 1703, and later. 

3 Trustees' Books, Order of Feb. 1, 1714/5. 


the expenses for repairs were considerable, and show that 
the buildings were fast getting into such a state that no 
more could be done with them. Tilers and glaziers, 
masons and ironmongers, whiters and wallers and paviors, 
all claim their share. There is thatching and flooring to 
be done, new chambers to be made over the School, ceil- 
ings mended, walls built, a second barn l suddenly appears 
on the scene, and our old friend the pump is always with 
us. In one memorable quarter nearly forty pounds were 
spent in this way. 2 In the midst of this turmoil we per- 
ceive the hiring of a new garden, 3 and the purchase of a 
house adjoining the School. 4 The last was pulled down, 
and a wall built facing the street ; 5 and perhaps we may 
suppose that its site was used by the boys. 

Under Holyoake the Speeches became an important 
function. We have seen that the Trustees visited the 
School four times a year, and were the guests of the 
Master. They came partly for the purpose of inspecting 
the School. The August meeting was always regarded 
as the most important of the four ; and while the attend- 
ance of the Trustees was less regular on the other three 
days, they usually came in force for August. It was 
natural that this should be made the occasion for show- 

1 Trustees' Books, Aug. 1. 1693 : "For repairing two barnes and two 
houses of office, 012 . 10 . 00." 

2 Trustees' Books, Aug. 2, 1726. 

3 Trustees' Books, Nov. 6, 1705, and later; rented at 13s. 4d. 

4 Trustees' Books, Feb. 3, 1719/20. It was a messuage called the 
Swan, and cost one hundred pounds. 

5 Trustees' Books, Aug. 2, 1726. 


ing off the boys, and this I conceive to have been the 
way in which the practice grew up at Rugby. The time 
of the year was altered afterwards to June ; but this was 
not the case in Holyoake^s day. Fifty years later we still 
find the first Tuesday in August kept as the Speech Day. 1 
By a happy freak of fate, several of the pieces recited 
before the Trustees still survive. These are written in 
Latin and English, and though not faultless, have suffi- 
cient interest for Rugbeians to be worth printing. The 
earliest known 2 is a Latin composition Patronorum Laudes, 
partly in prose and partly in verse, signed Gulielmus Pet- 
tever. Pettever mentions each of the Trustees, ending 
with Richard Elborowe, elected in 1698. As the lad 
entered in 1690, we may follow Bloxam in assigning this 
exercise to 1699. A set of Latin hexameters, addressed 
Ad Patronos, alludes to 

Moenia tot fidis valide suffulta columnis, 

1 See below, p. 119. 

2 This I only know of through a letter of Mr. Bloxam's in a Kugby 
paper of June 12, 1875, reprinted as a pamphlet. Another is signed 
" Ed. Wheler, July 28, 1722." A third, Mr. Bloxam notes, was scribbled 
on the back of an old play -bill, which shows that there was a " play- 
house " in Kugby at that early date : 

Beiiig Desird 

At the Play-House in Kugby, 
This present Evening will be Acted a 

Tragedy call'd 

The Fair Penitent 

With Entertainments 

To begin exactly at 6 a-clock. 

Vivat Rex ! 

The words in italics are filled in by hand on a printed form. 



but whether these are the pillars of the schoolhouse 
porch, or the pillars of the scholastic state, is not made 
clear. A far more ambitious piece is the Eclogue of 
Thyrsis, Corydon, and Damoetas. Topical allusions seem 
to appear in it, and thankfulness is expressed by one of 
the shepherds that " we and our sheepfolds " have escaped 
a terrible plague which has been raging in the neigh- 
bourhood, and has carried off many victims. This " dire 
contagion " is mentioned in another piece of verse of 
respectable merit, written in English. We may fairly 
infer from the last named that some epidemic had caused 
a scare, and that a large number of boys had been kept 
back from School, or left altogether : 

The lonely Shepherd moan'd the desert shade 
When half his flock to distant pastures stray'd, 
Careful of life, with weakling fears dismay' d. 

But by the time this speech was delivered 

Thanks to Heav'n, the threat'ning danger past, 
Safe is our flock, and all return' d at last. 

In the same hand as the last is The Happy Nuptials, 
which was written as a dialogue in verse between three 
persons. The piece celebrates the wedding of Miss 
Tilney and Lord Craven, a Trustee of the School, and 
an old Rugbeian, having entered in 1703. The date 
of this was probably about 1724, for we have a com- 
plement in another of these compositions dated 1725. 1 
This ambitious but dull Hymn to Diana is made in 

1 From a MS. book in the possession of C. L. Lockton, Esq. See the 
Laurentian, No. 2. 


honour of the birth of a daughter to Lord Craven. Rugby 
School must have been a place of great importance when 
Diana is confidently summoned thither from Delos. But 
in spite of all prayers to various heathen deities, no son 
came to Lord Craven, and his brother afterwards inherited 
the title. 

Of these celebrations we know no more, except from a 
brief notice in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1809, 1 part 
of which has been already quoted. The time referred to 
is a few years after Holyoake's death. " On the anniver- 
sary," says Mr. Urban's correspondent, " which was in the 
summer, the School was strewn with rushes, the Trustees 
attended, and speeches were made by several of the boys, 
some in Latin and some in English." The custom of 
strewing rushes on the floor is familiar in earlier centuries, 
but it is most unlikely that such a thing can have origi- 
nated in the eighteenth. It is most reasonable to regard 
this as a survival of an old tradition ; and if so, there 
may have been Speech Days of a sort much earlier in the 
history of the School. The almsmen of Lawrence Sheriffe 
also had to appear on the Gala Day, as they long con- 
tinued to do, dressed in their grey gowns, and holding 
long staves in their hands. 

One last service that Holyoake did to the School re- 
mains to be mentioned. He was, as we might expect from 
his parentage, a man of literary tastes, and had collected 
a library. This he bequeathed to the School ; and a great 
benefit the books must have been in an age when books 
1 Above, p. 33. 


were expensive. The books were preserved thenceforward 
by each successive Head-master. When the new schools 
were built, they were placed together in the Clock Tower, 
where they remained until about the year 1850. Since 
then they have disappeared, no man knows how or 
whither. 1 Some are said to be still among the books of 
the School Library, but there cannot be many there. 
1 Bloxam, p. 99. 



1742-1744 WILLIAM KNAIL, M.A., 1744-1751 JOSEPH 

EAELY in 1731 Henry Holyoake died, and was buried in 
Warwick. A short interregnum ensued, and for a few 
months the Master's duties were performed by Joseph 
Hodgkinson, who was himself educated at the School, 1 
and doubtless was at the time an assistant master. On 
August 3 the Trustees elected into the vacant place John 
Plomer, 2 also an old Rugbeian. 3 Plomer had served 
several years as an Usher under Holyoake, and so well 
had he behaved himself in that office that the Trustees 
dispensed with a standing order for him, as for his prede- 
cessor, and allowed him to hold a living with the School. 
He accordingly took the living of Bilton, which Holyoake 

1 Entered 1709. 

2 John Plomer, of Stone, Bucks., pleb., Wadham College. Sub- 
scribed June 1, 1704, aged 16 ; scholar, 1705 ; B.A., Feb. 13, 1707/8 ; 
M.A., 1711 ; Vicar of Culworth, Northamptonshire, 1717-31 ; Hector of 
Bilton, 1731-59. Alumni Oxonienses. 

3 Entered 1699. 



had held before him. The position must have had attrac- 
tions, for Plomer resigned the valuable living of Culworth 
in order to come to Rugby, but no doubt affection for his 
old school had something to do with it. His work as 
Usher probably lies between 1711, when he took his 
Master's degree, and 1717, when he went to Culworth. 

One of the first things Plomer did was to set apart 
some place for housing Holyoake's library, and this small 
beginning of greater things is so significant that the Order 
relating to it is printed in the Appendix. 1 The study 
was fitted with shelves, and a lock put on the door. 
Books which Holyoake had lent out were to be called in, 
and no doubt regulations were made by the Master for 
use and custody. We shall see evidence later that these 
books continued in use. 

Plomer may have behaved himself well as an Usher, 
but as a Head-master he was not a success. We have no 
clue to the cause, but the School went down in numbers 
very considerably during his eleven years of office. Non- 
foundationers continue to come, it is true, and some are 
of good social standing ; but it does not appear that any 
of them distinguished themselves greatly in after life, and 
the numbers decreased gradually. Plomer was probably 
a man of weak initiative ; for not only did the numbers 
go down, but nothing seems to have been done to im- 
prove the School while he held it. The Trustees during 
the same period seem to have lost their interest in the 
place, and for the first time since 1667 they began sys- 
1 Appendix III. A, under date Aug. 3, 1731. 


tematically to neglect the meetings. Only in August do 
they attend as a body ; at the other three meetings all 
business is managed by Mr. Towers, Rector of Rugby, 
who was one of the board, and he alone signs the book. 
When at length the Trustees grew vigilant, Towers 
thought he deserved a holiday, and so left them on a few 
occasions to get on without him : whereupon the Trustees 
(who were evidently not without a sense of humour) 
promptly passed a vote of censure upon Mr. Towers, and 
desired him either to attend the meetings or relinquish 
his trust. 1 Towers, I rejoice to add, rose to the occa- 
sion, and continued a Trustee until he attained a green 
old age. 

Plomer's salary remained much the same as in previous 
years. He received each quarter \5. 16s. 8d., with a 
share of the extra income. In all, he received something 
like seventy to seventy-three pounds as his year's stipend. 

On May 4, 1742, Plomer resigned from his post ; 2 and 
on the same day was elected a man of most brilliant pro- 
mise, Thomas Crossfield. 3 

Young as he was, Crossfield came to Rugby with 
a great reputation for power and scholarship. He had 
already been master of two other schools, of Daventry, 
near Rugby, and of Preston Capes. The eloquent 
epitaph written upon him by William Knail, his suc- 

1 Trustees' Books: Order of Aug. 4, 1747. 

2 Order of that date, signed in autograph. 

3 Son of John Crossfield, of Kendal, Westmoreland, plebeius. Matri- 
culated from Queen's College, Oxford, Oct. 17, 1729, aged 21 ; B.A. 
1733 ; M.A. 1736. 


cessor, is probably truer than such things usually are. 
He is there described as marvellously gifted by nature 
for the difficult task of teaching and administration, 
and trained in the same by experience. A simplicity 
of manners worthy of the old days, a singular modesty 
and lack of self-seeking or greed, a devotion to the welfare 
of others, make up this picture at once noble and rare. 

Crossfield's first year augured, well for the future. He 
came, in truth, splendidae dux coloniae, as Knail puts it. 
No less than fifty-three new boys entered in 1742, and 
only two of them were foundationers. The others came 
not only from Warwick and Northamptonshire, but from 
Surrey, Gloucestershire, Cheshire, Buckinghamshire, and 
London. This must have made a great difference to the 
Master's income ; and where he housed them all, we can 
only guess. Amongst these were some who proceeded to 
the Universities in the usual course, and one at least who 
gained a lasting reputation. This was John Parkhurst, 
who was afterwards Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge, and 
author of Hebrew and Greek lexicons. In the following 
year entered Thomas Skipwith, afterwards fourth Baronet, 
and the ninth Earl of Kincardine. 

There is little of interest to be said of the next two 
years. Mr. Towers and Mr. Crossfield are directed on 
one occasion 1 to inspect the books belonging to the 
School, to dispose of such part of them as should be 
thought useless, and to buy others more useful in their 
place. Large sums continue to be spent in repairing the 
1 Trustees' Pools: Order of Aug. 4, 1743. 


ruinous buildings ; in one quarter as much as twenty-five 
pounds at once. 

Crossfield began his work with high hopes, which were 
soon dashed to the ground. The bud came never to 
flower, for in two years he was dead. It is idle to specu- 
late on what might have been ; but had Crossfield lived, 
he had it in him to anticipate the fame of James or 
of Arnold, and he perhaps might have gone down to 
posterity as one of the great names of Rugby. 

The next Master was William Knail, M.A., also of 
Queen's College, Oxford, 1 who was appointed on August 
17, 1744. 2 Knail and Crossfield had been at the same 
college together, and were fast friends. The first thing 
Knail did was to write a fine epitaph for his dead friend, 
which was engraved on his monument. Mrs. Crossfield 
continued to live in the Schoolhouse, where she assisted 
in the management. There we still find her 3 during the 
arrangements for removing the School, but whether she 
remained long after KnaiFs departure is not known. 

On the election of Crossfield an important resolution 
was made by the Trustees. 4 This was to lay up as a 
reserve fund the surplus income of the Charity, which had 
hitherto been divided proportionably between Master and 

1 Of Whitehaven, Cumberland, pleb. Queen's College : matriculated 
Mar. 24, 1728/9, age 16; B.A. 1734; M.A. 1737; Fellow, 1751; B.D. 
1759 ; D.D. 1762. Alumni Oxonienses. 

2 Trustees' Books of that date. His bond for 500 is preserved 
among the Papers. 

3 Vouchers, 1746-66 ; several bills of 1750 and 1752. 

4 Trustees' BooTcs : Order of May 4, 1742. 


almsmen. The fund was to be applied, as the Trustees 
from time to time should think proper, for the "repairs 
and improvement of the premises belonging to the School.'" 
It has been pointed out already that the buildings were 
not likely to last much longer, and it must have been 
about this time that a change of premises began to be 
talked of. 

An architect, Mr. Hiorn, 1 was employed to survey 
the premises, which he did on March 1, 1748, and again 
in 1751. 2 He found them to be in a ruinous condition. 
The roof could not be repaired by any means ; and if it 
should be taken off, the walls were expected at once to 
fall in. Thus either a new structure must be built up on 
the same site, or one must be bought or built elsewhere. 

Not far from the Mansion House of Lawrence Sheriffe 
had been lately built a "large and convenient house," 
looking out on the market-place, the same now inhabited 
by Mr. C. F. Harris, the Clerk to the Trust. It is a large 
building of red brick, with Corinthian pilasters, and has 
an air of solid respectability which should win the heart 
of any parent. One might feel sure that within those 
walls no doctrine pernicious to Church or State could 
ever be so much as mentioned. Why the negotiations 
for purchase of this eminently desirable site came to 
nothing, we do not know ; but the fact remains, that the 
house was not purchased. This was fortunate, for the 

1 Keport given in Bloxam, Rugby, p. 63. I have not been able to 
find the original, but a letter of Hiorn's in the Old Vouchers (1750) 
confirms the report in part. 

2 Letter, see below. 


house finally pitched upon was outside the town; and 
whereas near the market-place there was no room for 
expansion in case the School should grow, the site chosen 


a Alms House ; b Brewhouse ; B Mr. Boughton's ; G School Garden ; E Everdon's 
Boundereys ; S Front of y 8 School and Garden ; C Mrs. Crofts, Front of her 
House ; Green Mrs. Crofts ; g Garden, Mrs. Crofts. 

was then bounded by fields, many of which were one by 
one added to the Close or covered with buildings. 

1 Trust Papers. C faces the Market Place ; S faces the Church. 
Mr. Bloxam has a less accurate copy of this plan or a duplicate (Rugby, 
p. 61) ; he states that the area of the School premises was 1 rood 
30 poles. 


But the difficulty was where to raise money. The 
London property was let out on building lease, which had 
still many years to run ; and the choice seemed to be 
between selling a portion of this, or raising the money by 
a mortgage of it. Sir Thomas Cave 1 was at that time 
one of the Trustees, and he used his influence to get a 
Bill through the House of Commons authorising the 
Trustees to act. In 1748 the Bill passed, and it contains 
a good deal of information about the School. The whole 
income of the Foundation, as appears from that document, 
amounted, in ordinary years, to 1~L6. 17s. 6d., of which 
the Master. received ^?63. 6s. 8d. as his salary, half the 
same sum went to the doles of the almsmen, and the 
balance of something more than 20 was all that was 
available for keeping the school buildings in repair, 
together with the chancel of Brownsover Church, and 
paying for the almsmen's gowns. The Act also informs 
us that the School "had for many years been in great 
repute, and had been of public utility." 

This Act empowered the Trustees to raise ^1800 by 
mortgage of not more than two-thirds of the Conduit 
Close share; for most fortunately it had been decided 
not to ask leave to sell. Of this sum, ^lOOO was spent 
in buying the old Mansion House of Rugby, then stand- 
ing on the site of the present Schoolhouse. The aspect 
of the front of this tenement may be seen in the frontis- 
piece, and its back in the illustration given opposite, 
which is taken from a contemporary drawing by Mr. 
1 See Bloxam's Rugly, pp. 57 ff. 

3 * 


& |> 

Q ? 


Pretty, who, at the end of the eighteenth century, was 
drawing-master. It has the appearance of having been 
built, or at least altered, in the middle of the seventeenth 
century. The house consisted of a main building and 
two wings, joined by a long corridor, 1 and surmounted 
by steep gables and a tiled roof. From the front the 
gables do not appear, because in the Georgian era the 
front of the house had been altered. Considerable altera- 
tions were made to prepare the house for its new purpose ; 
but these consisted of fittings and additions, and the 
original plan was not otherwise interfered with. In this, 
as in the old Schoolhouse, were two parlours and a study 
on the ground floor, opening out of an entrance hall. 
Kitchen, scullery, pantry, laundry, dairy, and brew-house 
also appear on this floor, some inside the house and some 
outside. On the upper floor were bedrooms, and rooms 
for the boys were also made, or existed before, over 
kitchen and scullery. One room was set apart for the 
men-servants, and one for the maids. Mrs. Crossfield had 
a room of her own, skirted with deal wainscot, and called 
the Green Room. Underneath were cellars and vaults, 
and above all a few garrets. Storerooms were set apart 
for cheese, apples, and other such provisions. One of the 
wings was used for almshouses until the new block was 
built ; and afterwards served for the Writing and French 
Schools. There were a number of out-houses besides these, 
such as a kiln and stables ; these two were pulled down, 

1 Details not to be deduced from the drawings are taken from the 
Old Vouchers. 


and new stables were built. Adjoining the house was a 
garden, which, with some fields and farm buildings, dwell- 
ing-house and barns, all passed into the possession of the 
Trustees. And now, for the first time in the history of 
Rugby School, we find mention of a "play place, 1 ' for 
which a tithe is paid in 1752 and onwards. Hitherto 
every boy had played where it seemed right in his own 
eyes, and the place where it was usual to play was none 
other than the churchyard. 

On the west side of the Schoolhouse the new School 
was built, on the site of the present Schoolhouse Hall. 
The work was superintended by a local builder, named 
Johnson, and we need not be surprised to find that he 
copied the plan of the old School quite closely. It was 
a long and lofty room, like the first, with two chambers 
above it. Even the small lean-to visible under the new 
School was copied from the old. The dimensions in both 
appear to have been much the same, and the only new 
feature was a semi-circular apse on the side of the Close, 
with a large window below and a bull's eye above. 

Within this apse was the Master's throne, from which 
his eagle eye could scan the various classes at their work. 
For it is needless to remind my readers that at that 
period the ideal system was to keep all classes together 
in one room. The din naturally resulting was believed 
to have blessings that far outweighed its disadvantages. 
This system is still defended by some as a valuable lesson 
in concentration. The Big School had an oak wainscot, 
and had fixed seats and tables for the boys. At the west 


side of the Schoolroom was a Doric portico, of which a 
picture has been preserved. The doors that closed this 
sacred gate were only opened once in the year, when the 
Trustees met. Over the north end of the Big School was 
a clock tower, which the workmen called a " Cupuloe." 
Of the two chambers over the Big School, the larger was 
the chief dormitory, looking out upon the Close, and 
used to be called Paradise. The appearance of the great 
trees made a happy scene, which recalled the idyllic days 
of our first parents ; but it is to be feared that the scenes 
within more often suggested Pandemonium. The other 
room was known as Over-School, and was used as a trunk- 
room. 1 Some of the rooms in the dwelling-house were 
used as schools, and in one of them the writing-master 
held his court. 

Such was the second Big School of Rugby; and no 
sooner was it made ready than the boys migrated thither 
from the old place. This happened in 1750, and the old 
School, which had seen so troublous days, and weathered 
so many storms, was immediately pulled down. 2 With 
it depart into the past many memories of the Boughtons 
and the Howkinses, the Scales and the Pearces, which had 
made its history picturesque. The scene of Holyoake's 
strenuous service, and of Crossfield's bright promise, was 
no more. But the Master and his household seem to 
have remained for some time in the old house, and for 
a year or two more the workmen continue their sawings 

1 The Public Schools, p. 349. 

2 Old Vouchers, 1750. 


and paintings in the new place. Finally the School- 
house built by Lawrence Sheriffe was deserted like the 
rest. It was let for a few years longer, and then finally 
pulled down about the year 178S. 1 Thus broke the last 
link connecting Rugby School with the person of the 

Of Mr. Knail, who was Master while these changes 
were going on, we know little. One of his old pupils, 
whom Bloxam 2 identifies not improbably with the anti- 
quary William Bray, wrote a letter to the Gentleman's 
Magazine 3 which speaks of him. Although part of this 
letter has already been given, 4 it is worth while quoting 
as a whole the part relating to the writer's school-days. 

The original schoolroom at Rugby, in which I received 
the first part of my education, under Dr. Knail, was a long, 
rather lofty room, built with timber, opposite the Church. 
The house was very indifferent. I have said many a lesson 
in a small room, into which the Doctor occasionally called 
some boys, and in which he smoked many a pipe, the 
fragrance of which was abundantly retained in the blue cloth 
hangings with which it was fitted up. On the anniversary, 
which was in the summer, the School was strewed with 
rushes, the Trustees attended, and speeches were made by 
some of the boys, some in Latin, some in English. When 
this was pulled down, and a new one built, I was one of the 
class which said the first lesson in it. The rushes and the 
speeches were continued. . . . The general number of the 
scholars in my time was, I think, under seventy. ... I do 

1 History of Rugby, p. 113. 2 Rugby, p. 62. 

3 Sept. 1809, p. 799. 4 Above, pp. 33 and 99. 


not recollect any playground belonging to the old School; 
but there was a piece of ground beyond the churchyard, 
sometimes used by them. There were several almsmen, who 
used to attend prayers in blue gowns. 

Several of KnaiFs pupils became men of mark in the 
world. William Bray, supposed to be the writer of the 
above letter to Sylvanus Urban, entered the School in 
1746, and we learn through his experiences that Rugby 
had then no regular bookseller. Books had to be pro- 
cured from Daventry or other of the neighbouring towns, 
unless they happened to be found on the stall of a woman 
hawker who appeared in Rugby on market days. Bray 
wrote the greater part of the History of Surrey, and was 
a prominent member of the Antiquarian Society. 1 He 
lived to a great age, and died in 1832. It is much to be 
regretted that he did not write reminiscences of his school- 
days, before he departed and was no more seen. Sir 
Thomas Cave, 2 another pupil of KnaiFs, was afterwards a 
Trustee of the School, and did the School excellent ser- 
vice in the parliamentary proceedings. A third was John 
Mansel, 3 who rose to be Major-General in the Dragoon 
Guards. In the Duke of York^s campaign in 1794 he 
was stung into a brilliant feat of arms. Some imputation 
had been put upon him, which he determined to wipe 
out ; and accordingly in an action on April 25 of that 
year he devoted himself to death like a modern Decius. 
The troops under his command seemed invincible ; and 

* Rugby School Register, vol. i. p. 34. 2 Op. cit., p. 33. 

3 Naval and Military Records of Rugbeians, p. 1. 



finally, after having had three horses shot under him, he 
fell in a desperate charge upon a battery of French guns, 
which he destroyed. Passing over various dignitaries of 
Church and State, we come last to the distinguished sol- 
dier Sir Ralph Abercromby. 1 While Abercromby was at 
school, the victor of Culloden passed through Hillmorton 
and Dunchurch, and all Rugby seems to have gone over 
to see the sight. It is said that every boy in the School 
was there, with the sole exception of Abercromby. His 
military instincts would seem to have developed after- 
wards, unless it was a political prejudice that kept him 
away. After entering the army, he soon rose to the rank 
of Lieutenant-Colonel. He was mentioned in despatches 
by the Duke of York, and wounded at Nimeguen. In 
1798 he was appointed Commander-in-Chief in the West 
Indies, and for services there done he received the order 
of the Bath. After being in command of the forces in 
Ireland, and seeing more active service on the Continent, 
he was made Commander-in-Chief of the English army 
in Egypt. Here he defeated the French at Aboukir in 
1801, but was mortally wounded in the same year at 
Alexandria. A monument was erected to him in St. 
PauPs, and a peerage was given to his family. 

Mr. Knail did not stay long enough to carry the 
School over to the new premises. On September 30, 
1751, he sent in his resignation, 2 and carried away the 

1 Op. cit., p. 4. 

2 Trustees' Books, of the date ; signed in autograph. Original docu- 
ment among the Papers. 


aroma of his pipes of tobacco to another sphere. He 
was succeeded by Joseph Richmond, M.A., 1 the third 
Queen's man in succession who had been appointed Master 
of Rugby School. During the four years of Richmond's 
mastership, he made no entries in the Register, which for 
those years is a blank. This does not look well for his 
diligence, and it was probably no misfortune for Rugby 
when he resigned in 1755. 2 

On this the Trustees actually elected another Queen's 
man, Stanley Burrough, M.A., who had previously been 
an Usher in the School. 3 He was perhaps descended 
from Edward Burrough (1634-62), a famous Quaker 
controversialist of former days ; but the mantle of the 
old fighting man did not descend on Stanley. Al- 
though he remained at Rugby for three -and -twenty 
years, the place seems to have stagnated rather than 
lived. The most that can be said is that it did not go 
back ; but it never approached the fame and name of 
Holyoake's day. Burrough's scholarship may be estimated 
from a neat Latin oration 4 delivered at Queen's on 
Founder's Day, August 15, 1752. As the letter accom- 

1 Son of Eichard Kichmond, of Crosby, Cumberland, pleb. Queen's 
College : matriculated April 2, 1737, age 17 ; B.A. 1742 ; M.A. 1745 ; 
Fellow and B.D. 1759 ; D.D. 1762 ; Rector of Newnham, 1762 ; died 
Jan. 9, 1816. Alumni Oxonienses. 

2 Trustees' Books: Aug. 5, 1755 (autograph). 

3 Son of Edward Burroughs, Drigg, Cumberland, clerk. Queen's 
College : matriculated June 14, 1744, age 18 ; B.A. 1747 ; M.A. 1753 
(drops the final s in his name) ; Rector of Sapcote, 1778, where he died 
April 2, 1807. Alumni Oxonienses. 

4 Autograph MS. now in Rugby School Library. 


panying it is dated " Rugby, August 18, 1752," it may 
be surmised that Burrough was then an assistant to 
Joseph Richmond. 

It is in this period that we find the first attempt to 
unite the School for religious services on Sunday. Prayers 
had been held, as we know, morning and evening, certainly 
for a century and a quarter, and probably been since its 
foundation. But we now find the Master entering into 
an arrangement with the Rector of Rugby, by which a 
gallery should be erected in the parish church for the use 
of the School. 1 For this privilege the Trust paid a yearly 
rent of one guinea, and defrayed the cost of building. The 
names were called over after the service from this gallery. 

A number of Burroughs pupils distinguished them- 
selves in their day and generation. The most famous 
of these, though not by his own deeds, was Archibald 
Stewart Douglas. 2 His mother was the only sister of 
the Duke of Douglas, and the Hamilton family tried to 
persuade the Duke that since his mother was forty-seven 
years old when she married, the child must be supposi- 
titious. A gentleman was sent to Rugby to see whether 
or not he could identify the boy, whom he had never set 
eyes on. There was a dramatic scene in the Big School, 
when Burrough assembled the boys, and the visitor picked 
out young Douglas by his likeness to his mother's family. 
By this and his other inquiries the Duke was convinced, 
and Archibald became heir to his vast estates. How- 
ever, on the Duke's death in 1761, a lawsuit was brought 
Trustees' Books : Order of Aug. 5, 1766. 2 Entered 1758. 


in behalf of the young Duke of Hamilton, in which it 
was suggested that Douglas was not the child of the 
Lady Jane Douglas. The "great Douglas case" was 
tried before a bench of fifteen Judges, and was decided 
by a casting vote in favour of the Duke of Hamilton. 
An appeal was made to the House of Lords, who reversed 
the decision, and Douglas came to his own. 1 

It would be of small interest to call the roll, of those of 
Burrough's pupils who became soldiers, sheriffs, members of 
Parliament, or scholars in various kinds of learning. One 
of them, William Sleath, 2 was an assistant master at his 
old School, and afterwards became the most distinguished 
Head-master of Repton. John Sleath, 3 also an assistant 
at Rugby, became High Master of St. Paul's School. 
Another, Sir George Townsend Walker, 4 served through 
many campaigns with distinction. In the Peninsula he 
was the hero of -a brilliant action at Vimiera in 1808, 
when he routed a far superior body of the enemy, and 
broke the prestige of that "column of attack" which 
the French prided themselves upon. At Badajoz he 
carried the bastion of St. Vincent by escalade, being 
severely wounded. A fourth was almost equally distin- 
guished in a very different sphere of human endeavour. 
This was Sir Henry Halford Vaughan, 5 President of the 
College of Physicians. The romance of old-world chivalry 

1 Rugby School Register, i. 38 ; The Public Schools, p. 351. 

2 Entered 1773. 

3 Entered 1776. 

4 Entered 1773 (Naval and Military Records, p 6). 

5 Entered 1774. 


gathers about the name of Dymoke, the hereditary 
champions of England; John Dymoke, 1 the sixteenth 
champion, once submitted to the paternal discipline of 

In 1777 entered Rugby School, one whose name must 
ever be interesting to Rugbeians, for the devotion shown 
by him and his to the interests of the School. This was 
Richard Rouse Bloxam, afterwards a Rugby Master, and 
father of the Matthew Holbeche Bloxam to whose labours 
this book is so much indebted. Little Bloxam paid 
fourteen guineas a year for board, 2 and yet they did not 
give him enough to eat. Moreover, he had to find his own 
towels, knife and fork, and drinking horn. These hard- 
ships so preyed upon his mind that he ran away from 
school. His home was at Market Harborough, and on 
the road thither it is necessary to pass the Brook of 
Clifton. So far the runaway got without mishap, but the 
sight of this roaring torrent so dismayed him that he 
thought better of it and went back. This is fortunate 
for us, because at the tender age of twelve the family 
taste for letters appears already. The little lad actually 
kept a diary, and in it he has preserved the programme 
of Speech Day in the year of his own entry. As the first 
complete programme existing of a Rugby Speech Day, it 
is worth reproducing here : 3 

1 Entered 1772. 

2 Bloxain, Rugby, p. 141 ; Old School, Bath. The sum was raised 
to 16. 16s., with 4. 4s. for schooling. 

3 From Bloxam, Rugby Speech Day in Former Times. 



August the 3rd. The Trustee Day. There were present 
at the Speeches, Lord Denby, Lord Craven, Sir Wm. Wheler, 
Mr. Grimes, and many other gentlemen. The speakers were 
as follows : 

STAFFORD Address to the Trustees. 

G. GORDON \ Ajax. 

C. GORDON I Ulysses. Ovid. M. 13. 

RD. WALKER Hor. L. 1., Sat. 9. 

T. TANQUERAY Cicero on the death of Crassus. 

WM. SMITH Caractacus' supplication to Claudius Caesar. 

STAFFORD for ) The Usurpation of Cromwell. 

S. HEYRICK against } Cowley. 

ED. TANQUERAY Mucius Screvola to Porsena. 

G. GORDON Psalm 114. 

WM. LEE Sophonisba to Masanesson. 

AM. CALDECOTT Demosthenes' first Philippic. 

WM. SMITH Waller to the House of Commons. 

S. HEYRICK On the British Fleet. Shakespear. 

Lord Denby begged us a holiday for Wednesday. 

The same diary records, under date of Friday, Septem- 
ber 3, " Workmen began to dig the foundation of the new 
School." This was probably an addition to the westward 
of the Big School of 1750. On Monday, September 6, 
the diarist notes that the bath was finished, and the 
foundation of the new School begun. The bath alluded 
to was dug in the Close. 

A list of the boys at Rugby School exists for the year 
1777, containing eighty names. Under Holyoake, in the 


earlier part of the century, there were (as we have seen) 
probably a hundred boys in the School, and under Knail 
the numbers dropped to fifty or so. In June 1778, Bur- 
roughs last year, there were fifty-two boys to hand over 
to the new Head-master. By Christmas the number was 
sixty-six ; l and it was not long before all previous 
records were outstripped far under the new constitution, 
and a total was reached of two hundred and forty-five. 2 

1 MS. Letter of Thomas James, p. 6. 

2 Letter of June 25, 1794 : Thomas James. 


TOWARDS the end of Burrough's mastership an important 
change took place in the constitution of the School. The 
lease of the London property was soon to fall in, and as a 
consequence the income of the Trust was about to increase 
largely. The debt incurred to build the new Schools had 
by this time accumulated to something like six thousand 
pounds ; l and it was calculated that when Milman's lease 
came to an end in 1780, the Trustees would be able to 
pay off this debt, as well as a further sum of four thou- 
sand pounds which was needed for various purposes, and 
that the clear income of the Charity would thereafter be 
more than two thousand pounds a year. It was therefore 
suggested to Sir John Eardley Wilmot, Lord Chief Justice 
of the Common Pleas, who was a Trustee, that he should 
draft a new constitution. Sir Eardley Wilmot spent a long 
time in working the matter out and in meeting the many 
legal difficulties ; and finally having surmounted these, he 
presented the Trustees with a scheme in outline. 2 The 
Trustees cordially approved this scheme, and in thanking 
him for his great care and trouble, authorised him to put 

1 History of Rugby, pp. 115 ff. 

2 First draft in autograph among the Papers ; not numbered. 



it into execution. 1 The result was embodied in the 
statute of 17 George III. cap. 71, and its main pro- 
visions will now be stated. 

It is entitled "An Act to enable the Feoffees and 
Trustees of an Estate in Middlesex, given by Lawrence 
Sheriff, for the Founding and Maintaining a School and 
Almshouses at Rugby, in the County of Warwick, to sell 
part of the said Estate, or to grant Leases thereof, or of 
any Part thereof, and to effectuate the other purposes 
therein mentioned. 1777."" The Act first recites that 
Act of 21 George II., describing the foundation of the 
Charity by Lawrence Sheriffe, and the results of the In- 
quisition of 1653. A recital of Barbon's lease follows, and 
of Sir William Milman's ; the ^1800 borrowed for buying 
a new house, on the security of a mortgage ; the change 
of plan which resulted in erecting the new Schools ; and 
that there was in 1776 a debt of ,26180. 19s. 7d., with 
other liabilities amounting to 6600 or thereabouts in 
the whole. Whereas, therefore, Milman's lease would 
expire on Jan. 5, 1780, and considerable sums must then 
be laid out in rebuilding old houses on the estate and in 
other improvements, it was proposed to raise a sum not 
exceeding ^10,000, by sale, fines, or mortgage, to dis- 
charge the said debts and to effect the said improvements. 
Powers were asked for the Trustees to give leases of the 
property for specified periods, and to dispose of the rents 
for the benefit of the Charity. Finally, a schedule was 
drawn up regulating the constitution of the School for 
1 Order of Aug. 5, 1777. 


future time; and this is so important that it must be 
given in full : 


To which this Act of Parliament doth refer ; containing 
RULES, ORDERS, and OBSERVATIONS, for the good Govern- 
ment of Rugby School and Charity. 

First, The Reverend Stanley Burrough, Master of Arts, the 
present School-Master, to be continued, so long as he shall 
behave well ; and the House now inhabited by the said Stanley 
Burrough, to be the Place of his Residence ; and of the Resi- 
dence of all the Masters of the Grammar School, who shall 
succeed the said Stanley Burrough : and the Room now used 
as a School to be the Place in which the Boys resorting to the 
said School, shall be taught Grammar, and the Latin and 
Greek Languages; and one or more Usher or Ushers, pro- 
perly qualified to teach Grammar, and the Latin and Greek 
Languages, to be appointed by the Trustees, or a major Part 
of them, at a Public Meeting appointed for that Purpose, to 
aid and assist the Master, and to hear the Boys under the 
Age of Twelve Years, say their Catechism once every Fort- 
night : Also, a Master to be appointed to teach Writing and 
Arithmetic in all its Branches ; and that when, and as soon 
as the Monies owing from the said Trust Estate, shall have 
been paid off and discharged, and the Trust Estate remaining 
unsold, shall have been leased by the said Trustees, or the 
major Part of them, and the Rents and Profits thereof, shall 
be sufficient to answer the Payments herein after directed ; 
there shall be paid to the Master of the said Grammar School, 
for the Time being, over and above the annual Sum of sixty- 
three pounds six shillings and eight-pence now paid, a Sum 


not exceeding fifty pounds per annum, by Quarterly Payments : 
and that then there shall be paid to the Usher or Ushers, to 
be respectively appointed as herein before-mentioned, such 
annual Sum not exceeding eighty pounds each, as the Trustees, 
or the major Part of them shall think proper: And such 
annual Sum, not exceeding forty pounds, to the Writing 
Master, as the Trustees or the major Part of them shall think 

Second, That all the Masters of the Grammar School, who 
shall succeed the said Stanley Burrough, the present Master, 
the Usher or Ushers, and the Writing masters who shall 
succeed those first to be nominated, as herein before-men- 
tioned, shall be chosen within three Calendar Months next 
after any Vacancy shall happen, by the Trustees, or the major 
Part of them present at a Meeting to be held for that Purpose, 
and be removeable at the Will and Pleasure of the Trustees, 
or a major Part of them present at their Meeting, on the first 
Tuesday in the Month of August : And that the Masters and 
Usher or Ushers, shall be Protestants of the Church of Eng- 
land as by Law established ; And the Master of the Grammar 
School shall have taken the Degree of a Master of Arts, in the 
University of Oxford or Cambridge: And in the Choice of 
such Master of the said Grammar School, Regard shall be had 
to the Genius of such Master, for Teaching and Instructing 
the Children : and a Preference shall be given to such as are 
duly qualified, and have received their Education at this 
School. And the said Master and Usher or Ushers, shall take 
Care to Instruct the Boys resorting to the School, in the Prin- 
ciples of the Christian Religion, Morality, and good Manners, 
and thereby qualify them to become useful Members of the 
Community. And in case such Masters, Usher or Ushers, 
shall be removed on Account of old Age, or Infirmity of Body 
or Mind, it shall be lawful for the Trustees, or the major Part 


of them, present at such annual Meeting, if they think proper, 
by and out of the Rents and Profits of the Estate, to pay and 
allow the Master or Usher so removed, an annual Sum not 
exceeding eighty pounds a Year for the Master of the Gram- 
mar School ; forty pounds a Year, a piece, for the Usher or 
Ushers ; twenty pounds a year for the Writing Master, deter- 
minable at the Will and Pleasure of the Trustees, or the major 
Part of them present at any quarterly Meeting. 

Third, That the Boys of Rugby, Brorvnsover, or in any 
Towns, Villages, or Hamlets, lying within five measured Miles of 
Rugby, or such other Distance as the major Part of the Trustees, 
present at any Public Meeting, shall ascertain, Regard being 
had to the annual Revenues of the said Trust Estate for the 
time being, shall be instructed by the said Masters and Ushers, 
respectively, in Grammar, and such other Branches of Learn- 
ing as are herein before mentioned, without taking from the 
said Boys or their Parents, Friends or Relations, any Fee or 
Reward for the same, directly or indirectly. And that such 
Boys shall regularly attend Divine Service on a Sunday unless 
prevented by sickness. And in order to proportion in some 
Degree, the Profits of the Master of the Grammar School, to 
the number of the Boys under his Care and Tuition; such 
yearly Sum as the major Part of the Trustees, at any Public 
Meeting, shall approve of, not exceeding the yearly Sum of 
three pounds, shall be paid yearly, by and out of the Rents 
and Revenues of the said Charity Estates, to the Master of 
the Grammar School, over and above the Salary herein before 
directed to be paid, for every Boy of Rugby, Brownsover, or 
any Town, Village or Hamlet, lying within five measured 
Miles of Rugby, or such other Distance as aforesaid, who shall 
be instructed by the said Master and Usher in Grammar, and 
the Latin and Greek Languages, and so in Proportion for any 
less Time than a year. 


Fourth, The Trustees to meet Quarterly, on the first Tues- 
day in the Months of February, May, August, and November, in 
every Year, in the School, at Rugby, aforesaid, at Twelve in 
the Forenoon, and hear the Boys of Rugby, Brownsaver, or 
within five measured Miles of Rugby, examined. And at their 
Annual Meeting in August to make such Rules and Orders 
for the better regulation of the said School and the Masters 
and Ushers thereof, and of the said Almsmen, as the said 
Trustees, or the major Part of them present at such Meeting 
shall think proper, all which Rules and Orders shall be ob- 
served by the Master and Ushers of the said School and 
Almsmen respectively for the time being. 

Fifth, That the Trustees shall, or may, cause to be built 
such additional Number of Alms-houses, not exceeding Four, 
as the Trustees, or the major part of them for the Time being 
shall approve of; Regard being had to the Revenues of the 
said Charity, to be for old Men of Rugby, or Brorvnsover, who 
shall be provided with a Gown the Value of Thirty Shillings, 
and a load of Coals not less than Forty Hundred Weight, nor 
exceeding Forty-four Hundred Weight, to each of them 
yearly, and shall be paid such Weekly Allowance, not less 
than Three Shillings and Sixpence, nor more than Four 
Shillings and Sixpence, as the Trustees, or the major part 
of them present at any public Meeting, shall from Time to 
Time direct, provided that such Persons do constantly reside 
within the said Alms-houses. The School-house, School- 
building, and Alms-houses to be kept in good Repair, and 
all Taxes, Parish Rates, and other Rates and Taxes, to be paid 
by the said Trustees. 

Sixth, A Clerk to be chosen by the Trustees, with a reason- 
able Salary, to keep Accounts of all Monies received and paid, 
and to examine the Accounts of the Receiver of the Middlesex 
Estate, and prepare the same for the Inspection of the Trustees 


at their General Meeting; To register all Orders of the 
Trustees, and Names of all the Boys on the Foundation, and 
when they came to the School, and when they left it, and 
the same of Almsmen ; and to make short Abstracts of Dates 
and Parties, Names, to all Deeds, Writings, &c., and to 
Register the same in a Book, with References to the Places 
where they are kept, for the more easy finding them when 
wanted. And to execute all the Orders and Directions of 
the Trustees, in respect to the said Charity. That the Clerk 
for the Time being shall attend all the Meetings of the 
Trustees, and upon the Deaths of the Masters, or Ushers, 
or any of them, give Notice thereof, to Three of the Trustees, 
residing nearest to Rugby, who are to appoint a Day within 
Three Calender Months of such Death, for an extraordinary 
Meeting of all the Trustees, to proceed to a new Election ; 
and Fourteen Days Notice at the least to be previously given 
to each of the Trustees of such Day ; and that Notice of such 
Vacancy and Day of Election, shall be inserted in the White- 
hall and General Evening Posts, Six Times in each Paper, 
before the Day appointed for such Election. 

Seventh, That a Receiver of the Rents of the Middlesex 
Estate shall be appointed by the Trustees, or the major Part 
of them, present at their annual Meeting, with a reasonable 
Salary ; and to give sufficient Security to be approved of by 
the Trustees, to pass the Accounts yearly, and to pay the 
Balance as the Trustees, or the major Part of them, present 
at such annual Meeting, shall direct. 

Eighth, That a Fire-Engine shall be bought, when, and 
so soon as the major Part of the Trustees present at any public 
Meeting, shall direct, and the same shall be kept in repair 
for the Use of the School, Alms-houses, and Town of Rugby, 
at the Expence of the said Trust Estate. 

Ninth, The Trustees, or the major Part of them, to elect 


and send, at such Time or Times as they shall think proper, 
Eight Boys to any of the Colleges or Halls in Oxford or Cam- 
bridge ; the Sum of Forty Pounds a Year, by half yearly Pay- 
ments, to be paid out of the Revenues of the said Charity 
Estate, to each Boy, for the Term of Seven Years, and no 
longer ; and to be called " THE EXHIBITIONERS OF LAWRENCE 
SHERIFF," and the number of such Exhibitioners, to be from 
Time to Time filled up in Manner aforesaid : Which Boys re- 
spectively shall not be entitled to receive the same annual 
Sum of Forty Pounds, unless they shall actually reside Eight 
Months in the Year, in such Colleges, or Halls, and shall 
previous to such Payment, obtain a Certificate of such Resi- 
dence, from the Master, or Head of each College or Hall. 

The School was about to become more important than 
it had ever yet been, and Burrough, being then of an 
advanced age, and perhaps not feeling equal to the call 
upon his energies which the new scheme must involve, 
thought fit to resign his post. During his long master- 
ship Rugby School had remained pretty much as it was, 
and he departed, leaving behind him the memory of a 
kindly heart, and " a most happy command of temper." 1 

1 The Public Schools, p. 350. 


(From an old portrait.} 

To face page 129. 


THOMAS JAMES, D.D., 1 1778-1794 

THE Trustees were well advised in their choice of the 
man who was to be first titular Head-master of Rugby. 
Thomas James was an Etonian who had distinguished 
himself at Cambridge, having been twice Members'* Prize- 
man, and at the time of his election being Fellow 'and 
Tutor of King's College. He was not only an accom- 
plished classical scholar, but had no mean skill in mathe- 
matics, which formed his chief recreation. What is even 
more important for a head-master, he showed himself a 
firm disciplinarian, and an organiser for whose care no 
detail was too small. James brought with him to Rugby 

1 Born Oct. 19, 1748, at St. Ives, Huntingdonshire ; at Eton from 
1760 ; scholar of King's College, Cambridge, 1767 ; Fellow, 1770 ; B. A. 
1771; M.A. 1774. First Members' Prize for Latin Essay (Middle 
Bachelors), 1772 ; Senior Bachelors, 1773. D.D. 1786 ; Prebend of 
Worcester, and Hector of Harvingdon, 1797. Died at Harvingdon, 
1804 ; buried in Worcester Cathedral. Author of Compendium of 
Geography, and the Fifth Book of Euclid, for use at Rugby. Die. 
Nat. Biog. 



Cambridge scholarship and Eton methods. We shall 
soon find not merely the tutorial system in full swing, 
and a body of praepostors served by fags, but dames' 
houses, and other things and customs which speak of the 
same origin. Even the very books used at Eton were 
to be transplanted to Rugby. In this remodelling James 
was assisted by another Etonian, James Chartres, also 
Fellow of King's, whom the Trustees at the same time 
appointed to be Second Master. 

Christopher Moor, an assistant of Burrough's, must 
have continued to do duty for a year or two, as in 1781 l 
he receives a pension. James seems to have himself 
appointed and paid other ushers at first, and the sums 
thus expended are reimbursed to him in 1780. 2 At 
the same meeting a whole batch of assistants receives 
official sanction James Chartres as Second Master ; 
Thomas Butcher and William Sleath as " Ushers to 
assist the Schoolmasters," with a salary of ^60 a year 
each; Henry Draper Lye to teach writing and arith- 
metic. To the last-named %0 was allowed for teach- 
ing the free boys, the others paying a moderate fee. 
The benefits of the Foundation were at the same time 
extended to boys living within ten measured miles of 
Rugby, if within the county of Warwick. In the pre- 
vious year 1 it had -been ordered that no boy should be 
eligible as a Foundationer after the age of fourteen years. 

1 Order of Aug. 7, 1781. 

2 Order of Aug. 1, 1780. 


The Act described in the last chapter provided for the 
establishing of exhibitions, and these were to be awarded 
on the results of an examination held by the Head-master 
in the presence of the Trustees. 2 For these exhibitions, 
boys of Rugby and Brownsover were to have the prefer- 
ence, if otherwise worthy. No boy was eligible for an 
exhibition after the age of eighteen, or without having 
been three years in the School. 

The Head-master 3 received a salary of ^113. 6s. 8d., 
together with a capitation fee of 2 for each free boy. 
He also had use of the Schoolhouse and gardens rent 
free, with the fields or closes adjoining. 

Building of new schools had already begun, as we have 
seen ; and these were in the block westward of the Big 
School which is shown in Pretty^s drawing. This build- 
ing occupied the site of what were later the Fifth-form 
and Twenty Schools ; and it communicated with the Big 
School by the folding-doors which had been its chief 
entrance, the portico being removed to the north side. 
There were four rooms in this new building. The first 
was fitted with four long tables, and was the dining-room 
of the Schoolhouse; the others were set apart for the 
First, Second, and Third Forms. The upper part was 
divided by James into studies for the boys, wooden 
partitions being set up, and a long passage left in the 

1 Order of Aug. 3, 1779. 

2 Same date. 

3 Same date. 


middle. One of the wings in front of the Schoolhouse, 
a building of three storeys, was used for the same 
purpose. 1 

But these additions were not nearly enough. The 


(Nicholas's "History of Rugby -," from a drawing by E. Pretty.) 

number of boys was increasing fast, and already a scheme 
appears to have been under consideration for the complete 
rebuilding of the School. As early as 1782 a petition 
had been drafted for the right to use in building those 
surplus moneys which were expected soon to come in. 

1 The Public Schools, p. 355. 



Another usher was also to be added as soon as the num- 
bers in school should amount to ten more. Meanwhile, 
some of the barns and outbuildings belonging to the school 

(Nicholas's "History of Rugby " from a drawing by E. Pretty.} 

property were fitted up for schools as best might be done. 
For more than twenty years after this time, a large barn 
by the D unchurch Road was used for the two upper 
forms. Part of this " Barn-school, 11 as it was called, was 


given to the French master; and a small lean-to beside 
it was used for the execution of offenders by birch and 

We have seen that for many years the boys had 
attended service in the parish church. The gallery where 
they sat was by this time too small to hold them, and 
James began the practice of holding a Sunday service 
in school. One of the Masters was appointed chaplain, 1 
and allowed ^?20 a year for "reading prayers and 
preaching," which sum was afterwards raised to thirty 
guineas. 2 Apparently the boys were usually divided, part 
going to church and the remainder attending service at 
school. The room used for this purpose was for a long 
time the Barn-school on the Dunchurch Road. A chapel 
clerk was first appointed in 1785 ; there was also an organ 
and an organist. 3 

James himself was at the bottom of most of these 
improvements; and he showed in many ways his devotion 
to the interests of the School. He bought land adjoining 
the property at his own expense and costs as opportunity 
offered. In 1784 we find the Trustees repaying him 200 
which had been so spent. He also paid considerable sums 
out of his own pocket to his assistants. New Almshouses 
were being rapidly built ; and James hit on the idea of 
converting the old Almshouses near the School into a 

1 Order of Aug. 3, 1779. 

2 Order of Aug. 2, 1785. 

3 Sumptuary Laws and Letter-Book. 


" nursery " that is, a sanatorium and " lodgings." l He 
also concerned himself about the boys' exercise. The 
Head-master had a private bath of his own, which boys 
were allowed to use if they wished. But in 1784 a move- 
able shed was erected by the river for boys bathing there ; 

(From a drawing by C. V. Lanyon.) 

and bathing-men were appointed to look after them, each 
boy being charged a small fee of a shilling or two by the 
year. Perhaps Mr. Sleath, who was Master of the Lower 
School, had some kind of oversight of this place ; for a 
1 Order of Aug. 3, 1784. 


part of the river was (and still is by old Rugbeians) 
known as " Sleath's " or " Sleet's." This place is shallow, 
and was set apart in former days for those who were 
learning to swim. 

Of James's methods of teaching and government we 
have very full information, thanks to various letters and 
manuscripts of his own which survive ; and in view of his 
importance in the history of Rugby School, it will be 
worth while to consider these at some length. 1 

In the morning, bedroom doors were opened at half- 
past six, or at seven on Sundays and whole holidays. 
" Absence " was called at nine for breakfast, and at all 
other meals. The work of the day was divided into five 
lessons. The first began at seven in the morning, the 
second at ten or half-past, the third at twelve, and the 
two remaining at three and five in the afternoon. This 
is, to all intents and purposes, the system still followed 
at Rugby ; and there is no reason for doubting that the 
extreme limits of the lessons were then (as now) fixed, 
but the times of beginning and ending varied to suit con- 
venience. Tuesday and Saturday were always half-holidays, 
and two "absences'" were called in the afternoon, one 
at three, and another at five in winter, or in summer at 
half-past five. The Thursday half-holiday was a gift of 
grace, always supposed to be earned by one or more good 
" copies " done in the Sixth or Fifth. These three half- 
holidays were used for play, or for lessons in dancing, 

1 See his detailed scheme in Letter-Book : Letter to Samuel Butler, 
written about 1798 (copy). 


drawing, fencing, and other " accomplishments. 11 A whole 
holiday was, in James's opinion (and most practical teachers 
will agree with him), " the worst of plagues ; " and if he 
was obliged to give one, he took care to set some regular 
exercise to " preserve it from wild schemes and excursions. 1 ' 1 
For evening preparation, boys were locked up (the phrase 
then had its literal meaning) from a quarter after six to 
eight, by increases or decreases of a quarter of an hour, 
according to the season. At locking-up, prayers were 
said, and any boy absent without reason when the clock 
struck was whipped. Candles were allowed till nine for 
the lower forms, and until a quarter to ten for the Fifth 
and Sixth. " Before I had studies, 11 James writes, 1 " I used 
to let my boys study by day in their bedrooms ; but ob- 
serve, this will spoil all your beds, bed-quilts, bedding, 
and curtains. Better, therefore, to send them into school 
to get their lessons, with an assistant. 11 

The School was from this time divided into six forms, 
on the system which is now almost universal. The 
Head-master taught the Fifth and Sixth Forms, with 
some assistance from others. First lesson on Monday 
was given to Scripture History, which apparently alter- 
nated with Goldsmith's Roman History, or the History 
of England, in a cycle. Construing followed after break- 
fast and in the afternoon, Homer, Virgil, and Scriptores 
Romani being the books used. The amount done at 
each was thirty or forty lines; and previous work was 
revised as far as might be on Friday. On Tuesday, at 
1 Letter of 1798, p. 39 ; in Letter-Book. 


first lesson, Cicero was translated in one week, and Latin 
prose done the next ; occasionally an English theme was 
set instead. The rest of the morning was occupied with 
Poetae Graeci, and a verse theme and English translation 
set to be done during the day. On Wednesday the 
translation or English theme was looked over, and yes- 
terday's Poetae Graeci repeated. Scriptores Graeci were 
read in the morning, and the afternoon was filled as on 
Monday, with Livy, Tacitus, or Cicero, with Ovid or 
Greek grammar. Latin verses were set as the day's exer- 
cise. The Latin verses were looked over at first lesson 
on Thursday, and thirty lines of Ovid or some Greek 
grammar were also done. After breakfast, Homer was 
done as on Monday. Thursday's exercise was a copy of 
lyric verse: Iambics, Sapphics, Asclepiads, Alconics, or 
Trochaics. Some few boys did Greek verses ; and W. S. 
Landor says that he and Butler were the first boys at 
Rugby, " or *at any school," to do these. The first lesson 
of Friday was devoted to Homer, with a revision of 
Thursday's lesson or thirty-five new lines. Sometimes 
the hour was taken up in revising part of the Homer, 
and whatever part of the Virgil could not be done at 
the usual time. At ten o'clock sixty lines were done in 
the Satires or Epistles of Horace, or the Ars Poetica; 
sometimes select satires of Juvenal and Persius; both 
Horace and Juvenal being worked 'through once in 
two years and a half. At three o'clock fifty lines of 
Virgil were revised, with the morning's lesson in Horace. 
At five, thirty lines were done in Cicero's de 


which were revised in the week next following ; and thirty 
lines of Ovid once construed and once hastily read off 
in English, this also being repeated in the next week. 
On Saturday the first lesson was a revision of sixty lines 
of Horace, which was sometimes done by an assistant, 
while the Head-master examined a lower form. Fifty 
lines in some Greek play or in Demosthenes were done 
at second lesson, and a Latin theme set for Monday. 
For third lesson of Saturday, at twelve o'clock, thirty-five 
lines of Milton were read. James used sometimes to 
give this hour to rehearsing speeches, or to mathematics, 
"which was my utter ruin at the time." The study of 
mathematics was a hobby which cost Dr. James dear, 
for he seems to have found the mental strain of lecturing 
on this subject very great. " The regular preachment 
or delivering of such a lecture," he writes, 1 " for an hour 
together, from twelve to one, after Saturday morning's 
business (when there was no exercise, and only twenty- 
five lines of Virgil repeated, sacrificed to it), not only kept 
my mind upon the full stretch during the delivery, and 
so was sometimes painful, but even wearied my body to 
excess, and made it hot, or, at any rate, perspire too much. 
The boys must have observed the truth of these things, 
especially on Saturdays at dinner, and how pale I used 
then to look." It is to be feared that the boys were 
rather amused than concerned at the sight of Dr. James 
perspiring in his wig, through " honest but indiscreet zeal." 
On Sunday, " absence " was called at nine, before break- 
1 Letter of Resignation, p. 21. 


fast, and at ten o'clock Greek Testament or some Scrip- 
ture book was read, such as Seeker. 

The Odes and Epodes were divided into four parts, 
one of which was construed each half year. Four or five 
weeks, not more, were allowed for this, during which time 
Virgil was dropped. Four lessons were given to these 
in each week, and revised in the week following. Modern 
geography, with ancient Greece and Italy, was worked 
through, one in each year. In each half, " two declama- 
tions pro and con" were made. Each declamation was 
divided into two exercises, and made as two Latin themes, 
the first being exordium et prima pars probationis, the 
second secunda pars probationis et peroratw. For Greek 
plays there were used Burgess's Pentalogia with Latin 
translation, or separate editions of Hippolytus, Medea, 
Philoctetes, Prometheus, and Plutus, in the Eton editions. 
Demosthenes and Pindar might be read in selections 
instead of a play. 

The lower forms we may dismiss with a shorter notice, 
though the scheme drawn up by James has for these 
the same minuteness as for the Fifth or Sixth. The 
Fourth Form used Caesar, Cicero, Terence, Ovid, Virgil, 
Horace, Lucian, Aesop, and Poetae Graeci, and their 
exercises were in Latin prose and verse translation, and 
Latin themes in prose and verse. Boys of this form did 
some of their copies under supervision. The Lower School 
included the Third Form and all below. Here were used 
Bell's Pantheon, Exempla Moralia, Selecta eprofanis, Ovid, 
Tibullus, with Ellis's Exercises and nonsense verses. On 


Sunday the Catechism took the place of Greek Testament. 
Much attention is paid in the lower forms to Accidence 
and Syntax. In the Second Form Selecta e Veteri Testa- 
mento was one of the books used, and others were Exempla 
Minora, Phaedrus, and Ellis. No rules are laid down 
for the First Form, which consisted of very young boys, 
who knew practically nothing. The construing lesson 
varied from four lines of an elementary book, to one. 

Some minor regulations made by James are not with- 
out interest. He first established the system of trades- 
men's notes, by which no article could be supplied to a 
schoolboy without a note signed by the Boarding-house 
keeper. 1 Tradesmen violating this rule were put out of 
bounds for a time or altogether. Special paper was 
supplied " for punishments imposed." 2 The bookseller, 
Rowel or Gascoigne, was required to write the boy's name 
in each book he sold to a boy. 3 For books lost or left 
about, a fine was imposed. 4 As to pocket-money, three- 
pence a week was allowed for boys " in the Latin grammar 
or in the First Form," " fourpence may be right in the 
Second Form, sixpence in the Third, ninepence or less 
than a shilling in the Fourth, and a shilling in the Fifth 
and Sixth Forms." 5 To this a " diligent boy " might add 
by deserving the " Merit Money," which was awarded 
each week if earned. 6 For classical work in the First and 
Second Forms, threepence was the sum fixed, sixpence for 
the two next above, and a shilling for the Fifth and 

1 Sumptuary Laws, 1, 2. 
2 15. 3 16. 4 15. 6 10. 6 11. 


Sixth. Other less sums were given in the French and 
Writing Schools. Most of this merit money was found 
by the Head-master. It should be borne in mind that 
there were no prizes then given. 

James made a great point of speeches and declamations. 
Boys were regularly practised in these, as we have seen, 
and the third lesson of Saturday was sometimes used for 
rehearsal, " the most painful and laborious instruction that 
can be given." "James took vast pains with such boys 
as were selected, 11 writes his pupil "Nimrod," "and he 
was well qualified for the undertaking. 111 He did not 
attempt to teach theatrical action, 2 but aimed merely at 
"a delivery with propriety. 11 Speakers were placed at 
raised desks opposite to each other in the School. Not 
more than six or eight, ten at the most, should take part, 
and the speeches should not be frequent, as they inter- 
rupt the work of a school. The regular Speech Day was, 
until 1791, the day when the Trustees met in August. 
On that day the candidates for exhibitions were examined 
before the Trustees, and various boys performed in the 
traditional manner. For this function a wooden gallery 8 
was erected in the Big School, to accommodate old 
Rugbeians and other visitors. 4 The School used to be 
decorated no longer with rushes, but with oak boughs, 
and the place was all gay with flowers begged, borrowed, 

1 Nimrod's Life and Times; Eraser's Magazine, 1842, ii. 173. 

2 Letter-Book : Letter of Oct. 24, 1800. 

3 Afterwards called the Oxford Gallery. 

4 See Order of Aug. 17, 1795, repaying the Head-master what he 
had spent on this. 


or otherwise obtained. The boys were gloriously arrayed 
in their best ; long single-breasted coats, flowered waist- 
coats slit at the hips, and silk stockings, perhaps also 
shoes of sealskin 1 with silver buckles. A printed list 
of the speeches in 1781 2 is reproduced here : 

HENRY VAUGHAN The Supplication of Caractacus to Clau- 
dius Caesar. Tacitus s Ann. B. 12. 37. 

TANQUERAY Latinus \ 

JOHN HUNT Drances > Virgil's Mn. 11. 343. 

HARRISON Turnus ) 

JAMES VAUGHAN The Defence of Charles I. upon his Trial. 
Humes Hist. Vol. 7. p. 142. 

WILLIAM BABINGTON Sophonisba's Supplication to Masinissa. 
Livy. Book 30. 12. 

KNIGHT Part of Tully's Fourth Oration against Catiline. 
Sect. I. 

HUGHES Phaedria ) , 

V lerences Lunuch. Act 1. 
EBDELL rarmeno J 

KENING The Popular Applause bestowed on Bolingbroke, 
when he entered London with Richard II. Shakes- 
pear s Richard II. Act 5. 

PEARCE Archbishop of York The Decline of Bolingbroke's 
Popularity, after his advancement to the throne. 
Shakespear. Second Part of Henry IF. End of 
Act 1. 

PHILIP HOMER Part of the first Philippic of Demosthenes. 
Sect. 4. 

HUGHES The beginning of ^Eneas's Speech to Dido. 
JEn. 2. 

1 See Dr. James's Sumptuary Laws. 

2 Now in the possession of Mr. A. J. Lawrence. 


HENRY VAUGHAN The Earl of Oxford's Speech in the 

House of Lords after his impeachment. 
BAYLEY Part of Tully's First Oration against Catiline 

Sect. 2. 
STAFFORD Speech of Henry V. before the battle of Agin- 

court fought on St. Crispian's Day. Shakespear. 

Henry V. Act 4. 

But in 1791 1 the Trustees, finding it inconvenient 
from multiplicity of business to attend and hear public 
speeches on that day, requested the Head-master to ap- 
point another day for the purpose. The day chosen was 
the second Tuesday in June, just before the School broke 
up for the summer holidays ; and for many years this 
continued to be the Rugby Speech Day. In choosing 
subjects for themes and declamations, James spent a vast 
deal of time and trouble. At the end of his Mastership 
he had a large collection of them, which he offered to lend 
his successor. I have not discovered whether this offer 
was accepted ; but it is likely that it was, and if so, that 
the themes became traditional at Rugby. James does not 
appear to have seen that boys as well as masters can hand 
down their themes from generation to generation. This 
they certainly did, and the " Vulguses " were in Arnold's 
day a great convenience to the boys of Rugby School. 

James took a great interest in the School Library, 
now some sixty years old. The Trustees allowed him 
ten guineas yearly to purchase new books; and though 
he had no library subscription, 2 it seems to have been 

1 Order of Aug. 2, 1791. 

2 Letter of Dec. 10, 1793 : in Letter-Book. 


customary for new boys, on being admitted to the freedom 
of the Library, to make a small present (a crown or 
so), and another when leaving school. The Library was 
used by the Fifth and Sixth Forms, and the following 
list of books is given : l 

Guthrie's Geography. 

Beauties of the Spectator, Taller, Rambler, Adventurer, Pope's 


Elegant Extracts in Prose and Verse. 
Elegant Epistles. 
Adam's Roman Antiquities. 
Lempriere's Bibliotheca Classica. 
Enfield's Speaker. 


Percival's Moral Tales. 

Goldsmith's History of England. 

Tales of the Castle. 

The Old English Baron. 

Sandford and Merton. 

Adelaide and Theodore. 

Mannontel's Tales. 

Bible Epitomised. 

Principles of Politeness (from Lord Chesterfield's Letters). 

Flowers of Ancient and Modern History, and Modern 

Voyages and Travels. 
Gay's Fables. 
Robinson Crusoe. 

1 Scheme in Letter-Book, p. 34 (copy). These books were used at 
Rugby (Sumptuary Laws, 16). 


Another list given in the Sumptuary Laws adds Footsteps 
to Mrs. Trimmer, and the History of Little Jack, " which 
is full of goodness. 11 It is not to be supposed that this list 
is complete, for ten guineas would buy the whole of it 
twice over. These are merely the books for recreation; 
besides which there were the learned tomes bequeathed by 
Holyoake, and some other classical books since added. 

As a disciplinarian, James was strong according to 
the ideas of the day, but the school machine at that time 
was anything but perfect, either at Rugby or elsewhere. 
Boys were then left very much to themselves for their 
leisure hours ; and it is odd to find a Head-master writing 
that a Head-master's house may be expected always to 
prove a hot-bed of rebellion, because he will have a larger 
number of big boys there. When we find this stated as 
a matter of course, Arnold's transformation of the moni- 
torial system is better appreciated. In James's day the 
praepostors (as they were then called) had many privileges, 
but few duties. There was certainly some sort of organi- 
sation among them. A " Senior Monitor" is mentioned, 
who called over the boys aloud in church, and pricked 
down the absentees ; or at other times " form praepostors " 
did the like severally. 1 But the Head-master does not 
appear to have depended on the boys for help in support- 
ing the school discipline ; and even the assistant masters 
would seem to have thought that beyond their sphere. 
So much may be gathered from an Order of the Trustees, 
which takes the pains to point out, that it is considered 
1 Thomas James's Letter-Book, in Rugby School Library. 


"equally incumbent on them to co-operate with the 
Head-master in enforcing the discipline of the School, as 
in the instruction of the boys." 1 Of his own principles in 
school government James writes : 2 

I have never governed the Boys by that secret informa- 
tion which some Masters are thought to have derived from 
their own subjects. It would be a high crime and even 
Treason against the Virtue and Honour of the School to 
induce Boys to be traitors to their Fellows. I have, however, 
had good-natured hints thrown in at my study windows in 
a sort of letters printed with a pen ; and the like have also 
been found hanging on the knocker of my street Door, or 
thrust under a hole at the bottom of the Door ; but I know 
not now for certain by whom ; but such hints shew only the 
good hearts of the boys who did it, and how perfectly they 
knew that the Master would accept no dishonourable method 
of information from a School boy. Secret information from 
any others I have always thought fair, together with general 
reports in the case of mischief; and I have acted upon it 
(as I told the Boys openly within this month in School), even 
to expulsion, as in the case of the old man's teeth knocked 
out a year since ; and they well knew that I was justified. 

Such things as now would be punished by the Sixth, 
and never come to a master's ears, were clearly then left 
for him to find out as best he could, with or without the 
aid of pellets thrown in at his window by kind-hearted 
boys. The letter continues : 

1 Trustees 1 JBooJcs : Order of Sept. 27, 1825. 

2 Letter of Resignation, p. 7. 


I governed more by principles of justice, and what I 
called among the boys (my only law) the Eternal Rule of 
Right and Wrong which is the same from Adam to the 
present hour, let French politicians say what they will (for 
so I have talked to the School on various occasions). ... I 
have governed, I say, more by maintaining such a sort of 
character among the boys by my actions, than by the terrors 
of the Rod ; though I have established that on all becoming 
occasions (in my own opinion) from boys of 6 years old to 
boys of 18, or even more than 18 years of age. 

These are excellent principles, rarer perhaps in those 
days, when the "terrors of the Rod" were the main- 
stay of school discipline. Yet James by no means 
spared the rod, 1 and it was used to what would now be 
deemed an alarming extent. One thing we miss any 
studious attempt to win confidence and affection; but 
that is a later growth. The ideal Head-master in the 
mind of James was an embodiment of strict and impartial 
justice. If he erred on the one side, it must not be for- 
gotten that the modern and softer ideal errs on tbe other. 

One of James's pupils, Charles Apperley, better known 
to the sporting world as Nimrod, has left a picture of his 
Head-master, which is none too flattering. 2 " The Rev. 
Dr. James," he begins, " was a little inclined to be mad- 
after the fashion of great wits, and a great wit he was." 
The hint of madness is somewhat suspicious from Nimrod, 
who reveals himself as a very scatter-brain. But the 

1 "For Kods or Birch for a year ... 2. 2. 0." (Letter of 

2 Fraser's Magazine, 1842, ii. "My Life and Times." 


reader can hardly fail to be struck by the success of 
James's system, as exemplified in a hard-riding old fox- 
hunter, who cheerily owns that he has "no university 
honours to boast of, 1 ' yet carries a volume of Virgil or 
Horace in his portmanteau when he goes on his hunting 
excursions. His classical training has imbued him, not 
only with a store of apt quotations, but with a real 
taste for literature. There is a wide gulf fixed between 
Nimrod's garrulous but racy Reminiscences and the ele- 
phantine humour of a certain pink periodical. The latter 
(to use its own choice language) is a quadruped of quite 
another tint. Nimrod holds the view that James, in 
spite of his " great wit," was not quite the man for the 
situation he held. What with "familiar jokes" at one 
time, and " ill-timed severity " at another, he was " neither 
respected nor beloved." I take leave to doubt this, on 
the testimony of other of James's pupils. Butler at 
least respected him, and probably more than that; after 
he left school, he and James corresponded regularly, on 
terms which are almost affectionate. Nimrod indeed 
was hardly in the frame of mind to appreciate the 
virtues of his preceptor. " On second thoughts," he goes 
on, " who ever loved a schoolmaster ? Quern Jupiter odit, 
pedagogum fecit: a schoolmaster never was intended 
to be beloved." From the delicate allusions which 
follow, I gather that Nimrod had an extensive acquaint- 
ance with James in the character of Nemesis ; and when 
he comes to speak of some other of the masters, he forgets 
all about Jupiter and the pedagogue. 


Notwithstanding the justice and severity of Thomas 
James, there were two serious rebellions during his Master- 
ship, which he mentions in the letter already quoted. At 
that period rebellion seems to have been in the air. Per- 
haps it is not fanciful to suppose that the revolutionary 
wave in France, which excited James and all his contem- 
poraries among men, was not without influence on the 
thoughts of boys, who are always apt to imitate their 
elders. It was just then also that the system of school 
discipline was in its beginning, and it was but natural 
that schoolboys, who had so often hitherto been left to 
run wild, should chafe under the first attempts at restraint. 
Whatever were the cause, several of the great schools had 
to face uprisings of boys during the last quarter of the 
eighteenth century, or towards the end of the great 
French war ; and Rugby was no exception. Nothing is 
known of the two rebellions which occurred under James, 
but that he succeeded in quelling them both. The more 
serious of them seems to have occurred in November 
1786, in which month (apparently just after it was over) 
the Trustees held a special meeting in Rugby. We are 
to suppose this was done at the Head-master's request, 
to confirm the measures he had found necessary in the 
matter. The Order is as follows : 

We, the Trustees of Lawrence Sherriff's School, present 
at a Meeting held at Rugby on the 17th day of November 
1786, do entirely and earnestly disapprove of the late Rio- 
tous and Rebellious Behaviour of the Scholars in the said 
School ; and are unanimously determined to support the 


Authority and Discipline of the Master ; and from a sense 
of our own obligation to promote the interests of the 
Trust, we shall be zealous to assist with vigour and firmness 
every salutary Regulation which Doctor James may have 
occasion to establish, and every exertion of his Authority 
that may be necessary to give it Effect. And we hope he 
will not hesitate to remove every Boy from the School who 
shall presume to dispute his Authority, or disturb the peace 
of the same. 

At the end of his tenure of office, James had six assis- 
tant masters or ushers, 1 besides the teachers of writing 
and accomplishments. There were about two hundred 
boys in the school ; and James's scale was six assistants 
for that number, five for one hundred and sixty-five, and 
four for one hundred and thirty. William Sleath was 
then Second Master, taking the Upper Fourth. Nimrod 
" thought nothing of him as &\ scholar," which Sleath 
perhaps learned to bear with equanimity. He was called 
Bacchus by the boys, on the principle of lucus a non 
lucendo, for " he was a very temperate liver." A good- 
natured man was William Sleath, and Nimrod (who was 
not allowed a private tutor) presumed upon his good 
nature and short sight by creeping into Sleath's tutor 
set and getting the benefit of his instruction free of cost. 
" What do you do here ? " Sleath would say if he spied 
him ; " you can do without me, you idle young dog, if 
you like." Sleath was an old Rugbeian himself, and had 

1 In the MS. Register^ places a list of the staff at the head of each 
year. See also Letter of Kesignation, p. 34 ; Fraser's Magazine, 1842, 
ii. 168 ft. 


been schoolboy in one half year and master in the next ; 
he afterwards became Head-master of Repton (1800-34). 
He was a noted conversationalist, and even as a schoolboy 
would often keep his dormitory awake by his stories out 
of the Arabian Nights. Even when at last Nature had 
her way and the boys fell asleep, Sleath went on; and 
when they awoke in the morning they would sometimes 
find him still talking, like Socrates in the immortal Sym- 
posium. John Sleath, who had previously been on the 
staff "the eloquent and generous John Sleath," as 
Landor calls him also made himself a name in the 
scholastic world. He was for many years High Master 
of St. Paul's School, and both he and William trained 
many distinguished scholars. 

Another of James's assistants, George Innes, 1 is de- 
scribed by Nimrod as "a gentleman in thought, word, 
and deed," though extremely strict. He won the hearts 
of his pupils by a marvellous skill at single-stick. " His 
manner," Nimrod writes, " and the carriage of his person 
were graceful and commanding ; and his taste, which he 
seemed to communicate to the boys, was acute, accurate, 
and elegant. I liked much to hear him read; and I do 
not think that this accomplishment could be carried to a 
greater degree of perfection than it was by him." Innes 
afterwards became Head-master of Warwick School. 
Two other masters rejoiced in the appropriate names of 
Homer and Birch. Philip Homer, who was " first assist- 
ant " when James left, and then took the Lower Fourth, 
1 Appointed 1783 ; Second Master 1787-92. 


had the reputation of being one of the best Greek scholars 
of his day. The sceptical Nimrod, however, thought as 
little of Homer's scholarship as of James's, but graciously 
grants him a " turn for poetry," both Latin and English. 
As his appearance was somewhat feminine, he was dubbed 
Filly Homer, and it was thought a great joke to conjugate 
the verb <tXeo> loudly in his neighbourhood, taking care 
that $u\i(0pev sounded like Filly- Omer. William Birch 
had the Lower Third in 1794, and a " fist like a sledge- 
hammer, which he pretty freely made use of. 11 The two 
remaining masters were Richard Bloxam in the Second 
Form, and Peter Vaughan in the First. 

Several of these, it will be seen, were no ordinary men. 
James says no more of them than that they were as good 
as the Eton masters; but there was more in them than 
mere scholarship, as their after careers may show. James 
clearly had one mark of genius, the power of attracting 
exceptional men, and of inspiring even ordinary men to 
carry out his ideas. What makes the quality of these 
men the more remarkable (and consequently the attrac- 
tion of James) is the small salary which they were paid. 
The official salary of an " usher " was not to exceed ^80, 
and usually was ^60 ; and though additional sums were 
found either by special grant of the Trustees or by James 
himself, the whole did not amount to more than 100 a 
year. Those boarders who did not enter the Schoolhouse 
were boarded out at a " dame's " in the town ; and though 
an assistant master was sometimes a " dame," this privilege 
was not .general nor of great value. In fact, almost the 


only things which could amend the ushers 1 pittance were 
a curacy or private tuition ; which last, although optional, 
was by James made general in the School. The private 
pupils paid four guineas a year each, and received help 
in construing their lessons for school. On this matter 
James writes to Butler : l " Rugby would not support a 
second assistant with a growing family : an assistantship 
thus is very well for an unmarried man ; but, believe me, 
it is not enough for a family." The Head-master himself 
did all he could for his men, far more in proportion than 
any modern head-master would dream of doing. Every 
one of his six assistants received supplementary sums from 
his purse, varying from twenty to sixty pounds a year. 
His own income was less than might have been expected, 
probably not one-fifth of that which his pupil Butler after- 
wards had at Shrewsbury. In his Letter of Resignation, 
Dr. James gives an account of his incomings and expenses, 
which enters into the minutest details. The elaborate cal- 
culations which (after his manner) James sets down in full 
we may omit, and taking the totals we find the following: 

Receipts from School 
Profit on Candles and 

Fees for 1793 
Coals . 





Christmas Presents 2 
School Entrance 

Total . 





. 1092 



1 Jan. 23, 1797 : in Letter-Book. 

2 This money was used to augment the salaries of assistants, or 
to increase their number. Each boy paid a guinea, except Founda- 


In addition to this, he received his house and 
grounds free, which he estimated as worth 8%. 11s. per 
annum. From the above total must be deducted for the 
Second Master's share of the Christmas presents and for 
supplementary salaries, 269. 4s. 8d.; the balance comes 
to 822. 13s. Now as " change of scene in the vacations 
is as necessary as good to a Master who wisely consults 
his health," a sum of 80 in the summer is allowed " for 
journey to Margate and all expenses, and stopping a few 
days in London by the way, with himself and his wife, 
and at least one man and one horse." The like sum is 
allowed in the winter for "London lodgings, London 
amusements, and journey in Chaises for the Master and 
his wife, and man and horse." The clear gain which may 
be laid by for a rainy day is ^663. 13s. The passage 
which follows is worth adding in full : 

"Such would be the Head Master's Gains for a year, if 
his 40 Boarders can afford a gain equal to the support of 
himself and family and 7 or 8 servants, according to the 
circumstances of his private family. I know nothing really 
about the gains of the Head Master's Boarding House ; but 
I doubt whether the Head Master can receive Parents and 
Company, pay for his wife, &c., and keep his children and 
servants and 3 horses (as I do) upon the gains of the Board- 
ing House at any rate." 

The charge for board was sixteen guineas a year, with 
a few extras, such as a guinea for a separate study, or 

tioners. Poorer boys paid less, or nothing. James adds : " I had this 
half year what I never had before, even a ten-pound note for the 
entrance of two boys." 


sometimes a charge for a separate bed. But it was 
possible (and this was often done) to educate a boy at 
Rugby for thirty pounds a year. 1 

Besides the Schoolhouse, there were at this time 
several boarding-houses or " dames' houses " in the town. 
This was no new institution, for boys boarded in " the 
School or town 11 in Burroughs day. 2 The Rector of 
Rugby took in some at one time, and Elborow's Charity 
had others. 3 In James's time, Mr. Gascoigne, the school 
bookseller, had a dame's house 4 in what was afterwards 
Loverock's shop. Another appears to have been Finch's. 6 
And several others which we shall meet at a later date, 
such as BucknilPs, may perhaps have existed thus early, 
but I have no certain evidence for them. It is certain, 
however, that there must have been others to house 
James's two hundred and forty-five boys, 6 and some, at least, 
of the masters took boarders. 7 

It is possible to form a fair idea of the life of a Rugby 
schoolboy in the latter part of the eighteenth century. 
When terms began, boys would dribble in as conveni- 
ence served. 8 Some came on pillion behind a servant, or 

Letter of Resignation, p. 22. 

MS. Diary, quoted by Bloxam, The Old School Bath. 

The Public Schools, p. 358. 

Sumptuary Laws, 15. 

Writing Master's Bill for Finch's : in Papers. 

This number is said to have been exclusive of Foundationers living 
in Kugby, but on what grounds I know not. Inhabitants of Rugby are 
mentioned in the Register. 

7 See account of the Great Rebellion, Bloxam, Rugby, p. 66. 

See Sumpt. Laws, 41, and Letter of Resignation. 


on their own horses, with a man to attend them and take 
the horses back ; others in the stage-coach to Dunchurch, 
then an important place on one of the great high-roads, 
whence to Rugby is only a couple of miles. Or they went 
by one of the many stages passing through Leicester or 
Northampton, and posted the remaining two-and-twenty 
miles to school. The rich or pretentious came in their 
own chaises, or posted from home, but this was not common. 
The classes, as they gradually filled up, went over again 
some work done in the previous term. This time of grace 
lasted for several days. "The Master," writes James to 
the parents, "will always be glad to receive his scholars re- 
turning to school within the first week after every vaca- 
tion."" There is a tone of timidity about this not usual 
in James, which suggests that his modest expectation was 
not always fulfilled. So, too, when school broke up for 
the half-yearly holiday of one month, 1 on the Thursday 
before St. Thomas, or on the third Tuesday in June, 
after the public speeches, the boys gradually melted away, 
and took another week or ten days about it. At Christ- 
mas, leave to go down began on the Friday before the 
Thursday in question; in the summer, not before two 
o'clock on Speech Day. We may imagine how boys 
enjoyed those slack times, what "guttles" they had, 
what expeditions, what harryings and worryings of each 
other ! " A sort of saturnalia," writes Nimrod, " followed 
the speeches. The last few days of the half-year were 
spent in all kinds of riotous excesses. No lessons were 

1 Sumpt. Laws, 40. 


expected to be done, excepting after a manner chosen 
by the boys that is to say, anyhow ; and half the 
windows of the School were broken, to be paid for by 
the parents, for the benefit of the Rugby glaziers. Then 
the closing scene may scarcely be credible. What is 
called a feast, or supper, was given at each boarding- 
house, and punch ad libitum was the order of the night." 
Nimrod had not so strong a head as Socrates, and the 
punch was usually too much for him. Perhaps we have 
here one explanation of his view of Jameses scholarship. 
"Although a small man," says Nimrod, with some re- 
spect, " he had a very powerful arm ! " 

Rugby had not, like some schools, a special uniform, 
but boys came to school in the dress of a gentleman of 
the day. Earlier in the century they sometimes ap- 
peared in suits of scarlet cloth, gorgeous with gold 
lace. The common wear at this time, we are told, was 
cocked hat and queue. 1 Dr. James has been good enough 
to leave behind him, in his book of Sumptuary Laws, 
the most minute regulations as to dress. It is clear 
from this volume that if he had been at the head of 
the French army in 1870, the famous boast about the 
last gaiter button would have been true. We see the 
boys troop past in their stiff hats, with band and buckle ; 
waistcoats of red and scarlet cloth ; coat of cloth or ker- 
seymere ; breeches buckled at the knee, and made of wash- 
leather, doeskin, cloth, or even Nanking, if they were 
extravagant enough to indulge in extra washing ; worsted 
1 Rugby Register, p. 47. 


C/3 < 

S I 

U K 


w j- 

s & 


stockings, which might be exchanged for silk on Speech 
Day; and half-boots, ankle-boots, or shoes with metal 
shoe-buckles. Muslin cravats were bound about the 
neck, since a " master cannot but disapprove of silk neck 
handkerchiefs, or silk capes to waistcoats." 1 At night 
each cherubic face was framed in a nightcap. In their 
spare time the boys might saunter down town to pre- 
sent their notes for purchases, or on a happier errand 
to " Queen " Rebecca Treen, who then ruled supreme in 
Rugby as purveyor of " stodge." Then if after third lesson 
the welcome sound was heard of "Play for Butler" or 
" Play for Landor," the boys would hasten over their 
work in anticipation of a fine afternoon's sport. Some 
would go down to the river for a bathe, or use the 
Head-master's private bath. Perhaps a run would be 
organised, in which (if report speak true) the praepostors 
were huntsmen or hounds, and fags the hares ; the hunts- 
men arrayed in pink, and armed with long whips, which 
made pretty play about the hares 1 legs if they caught 
them. Some of the bigger boys would perhaps steal 
into the Doctor's stable, and lame his horses by making 
them take impossible fences. 2 Or, again, they might even 
break bounds, and go a-hunting in the season of the 
year, or try to find sport for their guns in the neigh- 
bouring covers. 

But the great delight of a Rugby boy was fishing, 
within bounds or without. Many a raid was made on 

1 18. 
2 Thomas James, MS. Letter to Trustees, in Trust Papers. 


the schools for the " five large fire-shovels " which were 
kept there. " Boys dig worms with them," writes James 
pathetically, 1 u and leave them, and others take them. 
Hence these, and so also Tin Pots vanish so knives 
vanish with forks, plates, &c." The unlucky Head- 
master was always bringing new ones, and always they 
silently vanished away. Armed with these lifted tin 
pots, full of worms dug by lifted shovels, knives, forks, 
&c., the boys sallied forth for their sport. 

Certain ponds along the Dunchurch Road were known 
only to the elder boys, who used to hie thither in all secrecy 
and spend many an hour in the gentle craft. Walter 
Savage Landor was an expert in fishing, and of one day's 
sport we have an amusing record from the pen of Charles 
Reade, which deserves quoting : 2 

"My father, John Reade, of Ipsden, Oxon/' he writes, 
" was sent to Rugby at eight years of age. Next day, in the 
afternoon, a much bigger boy espied him, and said, ' Hy, you 
new boy, I want you/ It was to carry a casting-net. Young 
Reade found it rather heavy. Master Landor cast the net 
several times in a certain water, and caught nothing. There- 
upon he blamed his attendant. ' You are the cause of this/ 
said he. ' I begin to fear you are a boy of ill omen ' (sic). He 
cast again, and drew a blank. < Decidedly/ said Master 
Landor, ' you are a boy of ill omen. However/ says he, e we 
wont lay it on the Fates till we have tried all mortal means. 
Sapiens dominabiiur astris. We must poach a little.' Accord- 

1 Letter of Resignation. 
Forster's Life of W, S, Landor, p. vii. 


ingly he proceeded to a forbidden preserve. At the gate 
stood a butcher, contemplating heifers at feed. "I say, 
butcher, let me fish the brook there." "Well, sir, 'tain't 
mine." "Then what objection can you possibly have?" 

"Why, master, I ha'n't no objection; but, you see " 

" Much obliged," says this smart boy, and entered the field 
directly, cast in the brook, but caught nothing. " Reade," 
said he, " this is not to be borne. You are a boy of loo ill 
omen. Now here is a favourite hole ; if I catch nothing in 
it I shall yield to your evil Destiny ; but I warn you I shall 
make you carry the net home, and I shall flick you all the 
way with my handkerchief." Little Reade looked very rueful 
at that. The net even when dry had seemed mortal heavy to 
him, and he began to calculate how much more it would weigh 
when wet and dirty. The net was cast a good circle 
drawn steadily to land, and lo ! struggling in its meshes a 
pike of really unusual size. Master Landor raised a shout of 
triumph ; then instantly remembering his partner, he turned to 
Master Reade : " Welcome to Rugby, sir, welcome ! You are 
a boy of excellent omen. I'll carry the net home, and you shall 
sup off this fish ; it is the joint production of my skill and 
your favourable star." Next day there was a complaint against 
him for fishing out of bounds. " Mr. X. (the butcher) gave 
me leave," said he quietly. 

On another occasion Landor was fishing in forbidden 
waters, when a farmer protested, and demanded his tackle. 
Landor complied by throwing his casting-net over the 
irate farmer, and soon reduced him to submission. 1 The 
poor fags did not always find a " master " so considerate 
as Landor, who used to protect them from bullying, 2 and 

1 Life, p. 12. 2 Life, p. 16. 


even paid his own particular fag threepence a week. 
Their duties were many and burdensome ; blacking shoes, 
cleaning knives and forks, and carrying up water from the 
pump to the dormitories, were among them. Sometimes 
a fag was made to warm two or three beds in succession 
by lying in them, or he had to rise at some unearthly hour 
of the morning, to run a couple of miles out into the 
country, and take up a night-line which his "master" 
had set overnight. 1 

The Rugby boy^s study was his castle, into which none 
might intrude without leave. Dr. James himself once paid 
a paternal visit to Landor. The lad knew perfectly well 
who was there, but the Doctor, on knocking at the door, 
was met with the cry, " Get thee hence, Satan ! " The 
tenant might, if he chose, have a lock put on the door, 
and so hold himself free from the madding crowd. Within 
he was monarch of all he surveyed, but that was not much. 2 
The chief furniture was a plain wooden table covered with 
green baize, a stool with three round legs, a cupboard, and 
nails for his hat and coat. In addition there were a plain 
flat-bottom tin candlestick with iron extinguisher and 
snuffers, a wooden candle-box, a staff-handle brush, a 
leaden inkpot, basin and bottle for washing the hands, 
and a saucer or gallipot for soap. The window was pro- 
tected outside by a wire lattice, and was hung with a 
cotton curtain on four rings, or a blind. This mansion 
cost him from ten to fifteen shillings a year, and the 

1 The Public Schools, p. 360. 

2 Sumptuary Laws, 24, 26. 


tenant bought his own furniture. No looking-glass is 
mentioned, so probably the Rugby boy did not comb his 
hair many times in the day. Indeed, it seems that only a 
" prudent boy " l was allowed a comb ; others went to the 
" combing-house " 2 at certain times and had the combing 
done for them. This den was the scene of his work or 
feasting, or of the rough horseplay of friends and enemies. 
When illness attacked him, the boy was placed in the 
" Sick Nursery," 3 where he had a separate fire and candle, 
and one or more nurses to look after him if he were 
seriously ill. He was also allowed the luxury of tea 
morning and afternoon, at a cost of sixpence a day. 
Tea then cost eight shillings a pound, and sugar one 
shilling, and these were never allowed to the boys when 
well. Such were " not school articles, but suggested only 
by the indulgence of some few parents." 4 Beer was the 
common drink of that generation, and James, like all his 
predecessors, had his own brew-house. Luxurious persons 
in the dames' houses might have two studies knocked 
into one, and even enjoy a fire ; the others got warm as 
best they could with the aid of a fire in the corridor. 
There must have been a great " froust " in those studies. 
A hardy life those boys must have led. Only in the schools 
were fires kept up during the winter. 5 One was in the 
" Big Old School," one in the Masters' 1 School, the Head- 
master's School had a third, the " Dining School " a fourth, 
and the last was in the " Upper Boys 1 Room over the 

1 Sumptuary Laws, 8. 2 Paper not numbered. 

3 Sumptuary Laws, 30. 4 Sumptuary Laws, 32. 

5 Letter of Resignation. 


School.''' Was the intention to make the boys look for- 
ward to their hours of work, as the Spartans found war 
a relief from the horrors of peace ? 

In certain of the dames 1 houses things were in some 
respects more comfortable, in spite of old boys' memories 
of the whitewashed dormitory and hard bed, and the 
surly old man-servant, with his good-night greeting of 
" Get to bed with you ! " Nimrod and his brother had 
a very commodious study, with a fireplace, in which 
they, with a chum, provided breakfast and tea at their 
own cost. The house belonged to one Powell, a country 
apothecary, who went about in a drab suit of clothes, 
cauliflower wig, and black-topped boots. "Old Mother 
Powell " was a "regular skinflint," and her thin dinners 
were avenged by many a prank. " Horrible were the tricks 
we played this old housewife," writes Nimrod, and gives 
a sample. Mother Powell had a tea-party one evening, 
and the boys " blew the fumes of assafoetida, by the means 
of a tobacco-pipe, through the keyhole of the door," and 
drove Mother Powell and her gossips out of the room. 

In school, or out of it, boys had then more sport than 
they have now. With what gusto Nimrod tells of a jest 
broken on poor L'Estrange, who had innocently asked 
some one to write him a verse or two : 

" With all my heart ! " says the other. " Take your pen 
and write as I dictate/' and he thus dictated the two last 

' Hos ego versiculos scripsi, sed non ego feci : 
Da mihi, praeceptor, verbera multa, precor.' 


I think I now see Paddy L'Estrange, as he was called, 
showing up these verses to Birch, and his surprise when 
the pedagogue told him he should certainly comply with his 
request, and have him flogged ; which he surely was as soon 
as school was over. 

Nor was the fun confined to schoolfellows. Some 
of the masters were harried to desperation, and one 
of the writing masters was forced to resign because 
of "the many insults he had received from the boys." 1 
Even the person of the chief was not sacred from their 
irreverence. William Henry Lyttelton, afterwards 
third Lord Lyttelton, and Landor must have led poor 
Dr. James a sad life between them. Lyttelton's humour 
took a practical turn, but so amiable was he that every- 
thing was forgiven him. He and some friends one day 
tied up a young donkey in the Doctor's desk at school, 
and all Dr. James said was, " Take him down, but, pray, 
don't hurt the young doctor. 1 ' 2 Landor was a more 
serious opponent, being perhaps the cleverest boy in the 
School. In Latin scholarship, at least, he was probably 
equal to his schoolfellow, Butler, the great Head-master 
of Shrewsbury, and he used to delight in sharpening his 
wits on James. The two had frequent differences in 
school, and when Landor was attacked, he retorted by 
some abstruse question as to " longs and shorts," 3 which 
served as a red-herring across the scent. On one occa- 

1 MS. Letter in the Papers. 
3 Fraser'slMag., 1842, ii. p. 325. 
3 Life, p. 12. 


sion Lander's impudence carried him far; it shall be 
given in the words of Charles Reade : l 

One day in full school, Master Landor had an apple of 
singular size and beauty. He had his Livy in one hand and 
this apple in the other, and read and read, and munched and 
munched, till the sound struck the Doctor. He espied the 
delinquent, and ordered him to bring that apple to him. 
He put it on his desk coram populo ; and then, half relenting, 
said : " There, sir. Now, if you want that again, you had 
better go and sit down and make me a short line on the 
occasion." " Oh, I can do that and stand here," says Master 
Landor. " Do it then." The boy thought a moment, and 
soon obliged him with a pentameter 

" Esuriens doctor dulcia poma rapit." 

" Hum ! " says Dr. James. " And pray, sir, what do you 
mean by E-su-riens doctor ?" " The gormandising doctor." 
"Take it, sir. You are too hard for me, you are too hard 
for me/' said the Doctor, delighted with his pupil. 

Another instance of Lander's ready wit may be given : 

There were seven boys in the School of the name of Hill. 
The boys wanted a half-holiday, and came to Landor. " Write 
to old James for one," said they. Landor consented, and 
wrote a copy of verses, wherein he compared Rugby to Rome, 
because it was built on seven Hills. " Ah," said the Doctor, 
" I don't ask you who wrote this, for there is only one of you 
with the brains to do it. Half-holiday ? Yes." 

Lander's chief grievance seems to have been that 
his verses were not appreciated, especially when a copy 
1 Life, p. viii. 


had to be chosen for Thursday "Play. 11 "Mine were 
always the best," l he says, with Olympian candour, 
" but out of malice, I am afraid, the very worst of them 
were chosen." Accordingly, when he was told to copy 
his verses into the Head-master's album, he added two 
stanzas beginning 

Haec sunt malorum pessima carminum 
Quae Landor uriquam scripsit. 2 

" This was my revenge," says Landor ; and all he got 
for it was a reprimand. Emboldened by this mild treat- 
ment, the next time he wrote a copy in the album he 
put in verses so scurrilous that James had to request 
he might be removed from the School. James himself 
was fond of a joke, as already related, and enlivened his 
translation by topical allusions. " I take it for granted," 
he writes to Butler in 1796, 8 "you did not forget how 
we used to construe 'Est Ulubris, animus si te non 
deficit aequus ' c how happy a man might be at Brown- 
soever, .'" But it takes a keen sense of humour to be 
amused at squibs composed in the most elegant Latin to 
one's own ridicule, by a pupil of one's own. James must 
have been greatly relieved to be rid of his too clever pupil. 
Fighting was very common at Rugby in those days, 
as it was everywhere until a very few years ago. Those 
were the palmy days of Humphries and Mendoza, and the 
fashionable world was beginning to patronise the prize- 
ring. If fighting was not exactly encouraged at school, 

1 Life, p. 101. 2 Life, p. 19. 

3 Letter-Boole : from Upton, March 2, 1796. 


we have NimrocTs word for it that little notice was taken 
of black eyes and bloody noses. 

The head of the ring for some time (he writes) was a boy 
named Birch, brother to the Master, who was himself an 
expert boxer, and would often look on when a good fight was 
proceeding. And the fighting at Rugby was not in the 
pulling, bawling, and scratching style ; far from it. A ring was 
formed, and each boy had his second and bottle-holder, and 
all the ceremonies of the fistic art were religiously observed. 
Battles would often last an hour or more, and amongst the 
boys of the Upper School much science was displayed. All 
this practice of self-defence, however, had a very good effect. 
No unfair blow was ever allowed to be given, the part of a 
little boy was always espoused when he was seen to be 
bullied by a big one, arid when once a lad had shown him- 
self a good one in the ring, he was generally respected in the 

Landor, who excelled in boxing, running, leaping, 
and all manner of athletics, was himself quite a little 
fire-eater. At the age of eight he fought a great battle 
with Arthur Benjamin Clifton, 1 who afterwards fought 
more serious foes at Talavera, Vittoria, and Waterloo. 
This mode of settling differences, so well suited to the 
age of boyhood, and so unjustly abused, often served to 
make lasting friendships. Landor had another battle 
with William Birch, who gave him a sound thrashing. 
" We were intimate ever afterwards," writes Landor, 
"until his death." 2 

1 Entered 1783. Afterwards General Sir A. B. Clifton, G.C.B., &c. 
2 Life, p. 15. 


It was a rough time, but the boys for all that (or 
perhaps because of that) became manly and courageous 
men. The roasting so vividly described in Tom Brown's 
School Days was not without parallels. 1 One such cer- 
tainly occurred a few years later, the victim of which 
fought at Waterloo. 2 A custom which belonged to those 
days was called Ash-planting. 3 Any grave offence against 
the traditions of the School, such as a personal assault 
made by a fag on a praepostor, was punished in the 
presence of a judicial committee of praepostors and by 
their order. The offender was chastised with three ash 
saplings, two of which had to be broken over his body. 
Sometimes he was sent out to gather the saplings himself; 
but whether this was meant as an added indignity or as 
an act of mercy, does not appear. 

Pure mischief is always plentiful in a healthy boy, and 
at that time this quality had free scope. In the intervals 
of smoking out their unlucky dames, the boys would 
indulge in a town and school row, or a raid on some one 
else's boarding-house where better dinners were to be had, 
or in breaking any windows that they happened to see. 
But James's organisation was equal to any emergency. 
Boys in the boarding-houses were condemned to repair at 
the end of each week the windows of any of their neigh- 
bours broken by them, unless the offender were dis- 
covered, in which case he of course paid the piper himself. 4 
Not many boys, perhaps, earned the " Merit Money " 

1 Macready's Life. 2 The Public Schools, p. 359. 

3 The Public Schools, p. 349. 4 Sumpt. Laws, 31. 


which was offered as an inducement to diligence ; and 
their own modest allowance of from threepence to a shil- 
ling each week l must have been sorely taxed to meet 

Another custom, which is only vouched for at a later 
date, 2 was probably introduced under James. Shirking is 
a recognised custom at Eton, and a variety of it used to 
be observed at Rugby. It was illegal to be out of bounds 
that is to say, beyond the radius of some half a mile 
round the School. If a fag out of bounds spied a prae- 
postor, he had to hide, or scud over hedge and ditch until 
the great man called " On ! " The fag then resumed his 
occupation as if nothing had happened. But if the call 
was " Back ! " the fag had to come up to the praepostor 
and answer for himself. 

Nimrod says nothing of football at Rugby at this time ; 
but cricket was, according to him, " in high repute. 1 ' 
Never had he seen neater batters or surer bowlers than 
some of his schoolfellows, although he had seen many of 
the best performers of the day. The bowling was doubt- 
less underhand ; " it is now become more like throwing," 
says he, in the spirit of laudator temporis acti, " and has 
lost all its grace in my eyes." Nor had he seen " balls 
sent further or higher from the bat than those which 
Joseph Port, Harry Wise, or Ned Tompkinson could 
send in the Rugby playground." These hard hitters are 
otherwise unknown to fame ; and Rugby had yet many 

1 Sumptuary Laws, 10. 
2 Melly, Experiences of a Fag, p. 241 ; Echoes Far Of, p. 9. 


years to wait until Wynch and Sandford won glory for 
their School among the cricketers of England. 

As might have been expected, many of James's pupils 
distinguished themselves in after life. It is no longer 
worth while to record mere university distinctions, which 
at this time become numerous ; but one man stands out 
from the rest as a scholar whose memory still lives. This 
was Samuel Butler. 1 At Cambridge he won the Craven 
scholarship, the Browne's medals for Greek and Latin 
odes, the Chancellor's medal, and two Members' prizes. 
After being elected Fellow of St. John's, he was appointed 
Head-master of Shrewsbury School, which he completely 
reorganised and raised to the highest pitch of efficiency. 
It may be doubted if any other schoolmaster, even Dr. 
Kennedy, has been so good a trainer of scholars as Butler ; 
the successes of his pupils at the university were pheno- 
menal, and excited the admiration of the scholastic world. 
His career is the more remarkable in that he was a 
pioneer, like his own master James ; and one of James's 
truest satisfactions was in seeing the success of the man he 
had trained. Nimrod slept four years in the same room 
as " this learned man," who used to surprise the unsophis- 
ticated junior by never appearing to do any work. He 
seemed to be the idlest boy in Rugby, and spent his time 
in fishing, or in reading novels and plays. On awaking in 
the morning, he would order some fag to fetch him a sheet 
of paper ; and then taking " a novel or book of plays, often 
Shakespeare, of course," from under his pillow, he would 
1 Entered 1 783. 


write his exercise off-hand. This, " whether in prose or 
verse, Greek, Latin, or English, was sure to be the best of 
the day."" He never made any real preparation for class, 
yet " displayed " his author beautifully ; and James, who 
was very proud of him, would often appeal to him for 
his interpretation of a hard passage. This is clearly the 
roseate account of a hero -worshipper ; and if there is any 
truth in it, Butler must indeed, as Nimrod suggests, have 
" worked hard at Cambridge." 

Besides Landor, there were others of Jameses pupils 
who made their mark in literature. Henry Carey, 1 the 
translator of Dante, was at school with Landor; and a 
few years after him 2 entered John Parkhurst, the author 
of Greek and Hebrew lexicons, which were for long used 
as standard works. Charles Apperley, 3 the entertaining 
" Nimrod, 11 was a writer on sporting matters, whose trum- 
pet (to use his own modest words) "has already been 
heard in all habitable quarters of the globe. 11 Though, 
as a literary man he deserves no mention beside the great 
name of Landor, we have drawn so freely on his anec- 
dotes that we owe him a parting blast. It is interesting 
to add that his best book has in this very year been 

Others of James's pupils served their day and genera- 
tion in the State, as Stephen Lushington, 4 Secretary to the 
Treasury, and Governor of Madras; or in the Church, 
as John James, the Head-master's son, who became Bishop 

1 Entered 1783. 2 1788. 

3 Entered 1789, 4 Entered 1778. 


of Calcutta ; 1 Edward Legge/ and Richard Bagot, 3 each 
being Bishop of Oxford. A large number entered the 
army or navy, and of these there is no space to speak 
in detail. One Rugbeian, the Hon. Granville Leveson 
Proby, 4 afterwards Vice-Admiral, and third Earl of 
Carysfort, was a midshipman of Nelson's flagship at 
the battle of the Nile, and lieutenant of the Neptune at 
Trafalgar. Robert Mansel, 5 afterwards Rear-Admiral, 
when in command of the Penguin, pluckily engaged three 
large ships of the enemy, one of which struck to him. A 
number of Rugbeians of this period fought in the Peninsula 
or at Waterloo; one of them, George L'Estrange, 6 was 
mentioned in despatches by Wellington after the battle 
of Albuera, and recommended strongly for promotion, 
for a successful defence against overwhelming odds. 

The strenuous toil of sixteen years at length told 
on Dr. James's health to such an extent that he found 
it necessary to resign. He retired to enjoy his well- 
earned ease at Upton-on-Severn, which living he held 
for a year or two, until he was placed in a prebendary 
stall at Worcester. Two of his letters draw the picture 
of his peaceful life in the country, with wife and children, 
and three or four private pupils. 7 

" I thank God," he writes, " that I have recovered my 

1 Entered 1792 ; Bishop of Calcutta 1826. 

2 Entered 1781 

3 Entered 1790. 4 Entered 1792. 

5 Entered 1780. Naval and Military Records, p. 9. 

6 Entered 1791. Naval and Military Records, p. 21. 

7 To S. Butler, March 2, 1796 ; and to Mr. Grimes, Nov. 1. 1796. 


spirits ... I no longer see anything in a gloomy light. 
The night has dispersed at last, and my sun has arisen 
again after a long absence. 11 He invites his friend to a 
"jaunt in an Irish carr," which he had just purchased, 
but had never gone abroad " with more than eleven 
souls mounted upon it." 

Two of my lesser satellites (he goes on) sit in the 
middle between rail and rail, or between the one side chair 
and the other ; and in a line with them in the middle is my 
servant, John Oneley, the driver; on the one side chair is 
Mrs. James with four lesser satellites ; and on the opposite 
side chair is, a Nurse maid and child in the lap, little Mary, 
and two bright luminaries of this lower world, commonly 
called two fair Ladies among my Upton Neighbours, who 
pleased themselves and us by the brightness of their influ- 
ence. The power of attraction is all centred in the one 
horse, fixed directly in the center of the Carr's front, before 
John Jupiter Oneley, the Chariotteer. Come, and let us 
whisk you along with us in our Worcestershire vertex ; come, 
be soused with me into the bath at Malvern; be scoured 
with me by the salts of Cheltenham ; and be sulfurised with 
me both within your skin and without it, by potation and 
ablution, by repletion and absorption, in plain language, by 
drinking and washing in what are called a sort of Harrow- 
gate waters springing within a mile of Upton. 

In this playful and happy mood let us leave the 
labourer to his rest. 

On the wall of Rugby School Chapel is a fine 
memorial tablet by Chantrey, representing Thomas James 
in his wig and gown, and seated in a chair of the ancient 


Greek type. Beneath it is an inscription composed 
by Samuel Butler, his favourite pupil, which reads as 
follows : 


























A portion of the money collected for this monument 
not being needed for that purpose, there was also founded 
a prize for Greek Verse, to be called for ever after his 
name. But a memorial yet more abiding is that which 
he built for himself. Thomas James was the creator of 
Rugby as it now is; and of him, as truly as of the 
architect of St. Paul's, it might be said, " Si monumentum 
quaeris, circumspice." 



HENRY INGLES, D.D., 1794-1806 

As earlier in the century one Queen's man led to another, 
so was Thomas James followed by Henry Ingles, another 
Etonian, and Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. 1 
Ingles had previously had some experience of school work 
as Head-master of Macclesfield School ; and he arrived 
at Rugby, as James writes to Samuel Butler, "still 
panting for glory." 2 From the first he ruled with great 
strictness, and even severity. Perhaps there was a reason 
for this, as discipline may have slackened somewhat during 
the late Head-master's long illness; but the change did 
not commend itself to the boys. The new Head-master 
was known in school as the "Black Tiger," and, as we 
shall see, a very strong method was taken by the boys 
on one occasion to show their disapproval of him. 
Ingles is described by one of his pupils as 

1 Born about 1749. Son of Anthony Ingles, of Ashford, Kent. 
Matriculated Dec. 17, 1767; B.A., 1772; M.A., 1775; D.D. (Lambeth), 
Dec. 19, 1796. 

2 Letter of Sept. 7, 1794 : in Letter-Book. 

177 M 


A pale, ascetic-looking man, whose deportment was grave, 
dignified, and awe-inspiring. The clicking of the latch of the 
door by which he entered the Upper Schoolroom instantly 
produced a silence like a chill, and the boldest held his 
breath for a time. It was in the deepest hush of both Upper 
and Lower Schools that the sound of his tread was distinctly 
heard, or that his voice echoed through the halls as he gave 
out on a Thursday morning the name or names of the boys 
whose exercises entitled them to the honour of " Play," i.e. 
of obtaining for the School one of the half-holidays of the 
week. 1 

Ingles made several small changes in the government 
of the School, which, without touching the main features 
of the existing system, were certainly improvements upon 
it. He abolished the presents usually one guinea 
which his predecessor used to receive from boys on 
leaving School. He also did away with the "Christmas 
present " of one guinea, which most parents were in the 
habit of sending the Head-master, "in order to enable 
him to engage able scholars and respectable gentlemen." 
This sum was added to the Head-master's tuition fee, 
making five guineas in all. 2 He also introduced the 
custom of having outside examiners for the exhibitions. 
In the Trustees 1 Order Book, 3 the year after Ingles's 
accession, stands the following resolution : 

Resolved : That two Posers or Examiners be appointed to 
attend at the School House on the first Tuesday in August, at 

1 W. C. Macready, in Pollock's Life, vol. i. p. 11. 

2 Ingles's note to Sumpt. Laws, 49. 3 Aug. 17, 1795. 


Ten o'clock in the Morning, for the purpose of assisting the 
Trustees in the examination of the scholars who are candi- 
dates for the vacant Exhibitions. 

That the Examination be in the presence of the Trustees, 
or a Committee of their Appointment, and of the Head Master 
of Rugby School. 

That the candidates be examined in the Books which they 
have read in School during the two preceding years, and in 
Latin Composition. 

That the whole Sixth Form, or such Boys among them as 
the Trustees shall appoint, be afterwards examined in the 
Lessons of the Preceding Year. 

That the two Examiners, who it is presumed will not con- 
sider the Appointment in a lucrative view, shall receive each 
Ten Guineas to defray the expences of their journey. 

It was also provided that the Examiners should be 
Masters of Arts, and "educated after the Eton or 
Rugby method." Apparently the Posers did consider 
the appointment in a lucrative view, for it was found 
necessary in the next year to increase the fee to twenty 
guineas. Thus the two Posers earned in one day what 
an assistant master took four months to earn. It is 
comforting to find that the Trustees considered even 
the assistants to some extent in a lucrative view, for in 
1797, owing to the increased price of provisions, their 
official salary was increased to eighty pounds. In the 
same year (1797) the boarding-house fee was increased 
to twenty guineas a year for the same cause. This shows 
how the great war was pressing on all classes of the 
community. Whether this Head-master was as generous 


to the assistants as his predecessor, I know not; but 
he helped them to live by getting them curacies. 1 

About this period we begin to find more names of 
the various boarding-houses mentioned. Besides the 
Schoolhouse and Birch's, of which more will be said 
anon, the following names occur : Moor, Maling, " Dame 
Powell," Bloxam, Bucknill, Stanley, Wratislaw ; and Gas- 
coigne still continues. This list will show that some of 
the masters, at least, took boarders under Ingles. 

Ingles did what he could to give a separate study to 
each boy. It does not appear how far he succeeded, 
but he certainly intended to carry the reform through. 2 
He also saw that the care of a large boarding-house was 
"incompatible with the general duties of the School." 3 
He had two-and-twenty boys then in the Schoolhouse 
(no great matter according to modern ideas), yet proposed 
to reduce these gradually to six or seven, thus leaving 
himself free for his own proper duties as Head-master. 
A third innovation was to establish a kind of pre- 
paratory department. 4 It was decided to admit boys to 
the writing school one year before they were entered into 
the grammar school. These boys were not counted as of 
the School proper, and no capitation fee was paid on their 

Of this Head-mastership there is little more to tell. 
Ingles appears to have carried on the School with ability, 

1 Letter of T. James to S. Butler : in Letter-Book. 

2 Note to Sumpt. Laws, 59. 

3 Letter to the Trustees ; no date. 

4 Order of Aug. 3, 1802. 


and not without success, notwithstanding that the num- 
bers fell off somewhat. The figures for the five central 
years of his tenure are as follows : l 

1799 Foundationers, 28; Boarders, 116=144 

1800 . . 27; 122 = 149 

1801 .. 32; 110=142 

1802 . . 31 ; 109=140 

1803 . . 33; 108 = 141 

These numbers are less by about fifty than James left in 
the School. When Ingles resigned, however, in 1806, 
the Trustees accepted his resignation " with the greatest 
regret, 11 and expressed their satisfaction at "the present 
exemplary state of the learning and discipline of the 
School." 2 These are no empty phrases, for compliments 
of the kind are rare among the Trustees 1 resolutions. 
Ingles, like his predecessor, received a small pension, with 
which he retired to a country living. He died at Easton, 
Hants, in 1826, and left directions that no monument 
should be put up over his grave. 3 Saddened by a terrible 
shock in his early married life, when he suddenly met 
bearers carrying home the body of his eldest son, who 
had been drowned, Dr. Ingles seems to have been a 
gloomy and morose man ; but though he may not have 
been loved at Rugby, he was always respected. 

Two events of importance occurred while Ingles was 

1 Schedule among the Papers, drawn up for presenting to Parlia- 

2 Order- Book: Aug. 5, 1806. 

3 See Bloxam's Rugby, p. 67. 


Head-master. The first was a determination to rebuild 
completely the Schools and Schoolhouse, to add a chapel, 
and to make the whole pile worthy of the position 
which Rugby School had attained. For many years the 
surplus income had been accumulating, until in 1799 it 
amounted to more than twenty-five thousand pounds, 1 
which stood invested in Government stocks. The pro- 
perty seems to have been rapidly improving in value, and 
a large permanent increase of income was to be expected. 
It was therefore resolved to procure plans and estimates 
for the purpose named, and permission was asked to sell 
stock up to ten thousand pounds for building. At the 
same time it was proposed to add two pounds to the capi- 
tation fee for each Foundationer, to increase the number 
of exhibitions to twenty-one, and to augment the value 
of each by ten pounds. 2 The completion of the plan for 
building belongs to the next chapter ; but it is proper to 
mention it here, for we can hardly doubt that the Head- 
master's hand is to be traced in this as in the other 
improvements of this period. 

The second important event was a mutiny of the boys, 
thereafter known as the Great Rebellion. 3 

One day in November of the year 1797, the Head- 
master was walking down the street, when he heard the 
sound of pistol shots from Gascoigne's boarding-house. 
He promptly entered the yard, and saw one of the boys 

1 Order-Book: Aug. 6, 1799. 

2 Aug. 2, 1803. 

3 Bloxam, Rugby, p. 65, from the accounts of some who had been 
in it ; The Public Schools, p. 368 ; New Rugbeian, iii. 125-130. 


shooting off" cork pellets at the study windows. Mr. 
Gascoigne seemed to be taking this calmly enough ; 
perhaps he was used to it, for we have seen that it was 
taken for granted windows must be broken every week, and 
he may have been grateful it was not the windows of a 
neighbour. Not so Dr. Ingles ; he pounced upon the boy, 
and demanded where he had bought the gunpowder. The 
boy gave the name of Rowell, a tradesman who com- 
bined the functions of grocer, bookseller, and ironmonger. 
But the wily Rowell had entered the article as tea, 
and denied the offence ; his books supported him. Con- 
sequently Astley, the young sportsman in question, was 
flogged. Astley related his grievance to indignant 
friends, and a party of them sallied forth and smashed 
RowelPs windows. When this came to the Head-master's 
ears he decreed that the damage should be paid for by 
the Fifth and Sixth Forms. Thereupon the boys drew up 
a round robin, in which they declared they would do no 
such thing. The Head-master breathed out threatenings 
and slaughter, which only made matters worse. The first 
act of war was the explosion of a petard by the door of 
Ingles's school, which blew it off its hinges. Next day, 
Saturday, fags were sent round to the different houses to 
whip in all boys to the schools ; and in the morning, after 
second lesson, the bell clanging violently sounded the 
alarum. At the signal, small boys, mounted on big boys 1 
shoulders, broke the school windows through the pro- 
tecting latticework. Then all the boys began to lug out 
desks and benches, and tear down wainscoting from the 


walls ; all these fragments were piled in the centre of the 
Close, and set fire to, Ingles's books being thrown on the 
top. The schoolhouse butler, " Billy Plus " as he was 
called, like a hero of the Victoria Cross, risked his skin 
to rescue some valuable books from the holocaust. Mean- 
while a crowd of delighted farmers and horse-jockeys lined 
the Dunchurch Road to behold the scene. Rugby was full 
that day, which was the day of the great November horse- 

Ingles at once sent messengers post-haste for the 
masters, but they were all away shooting or otherwise 
amusing themselves. Then he sent into the town, where 
a recruiting party of soldiers happened just then to be, 
summoning them to his help. The men responded with 
alacrity. Ingles posted one of them before his door with 
fixed bayonet, and then the Black Tiger showed a white 
feather he locked himself in. The boys triumphed 
around their bonfire, until an awful rumour was whis- 
pered among them : the enemy was coming. Some of 
the masters had returned, and a force was rapidly 
organised of special constables, farmers armed with horse- 
whips and other nondescript elements, with the recruiting 
sergeant to stiffen them. The sight of this serried host 
was too much for the rebels, who executed a strategic 
movement to the rear, and occupied the Island. This 
was at that time really an island, and the moat which sur- 
rounded it was about fifteen feet wide, and four or five 
feet deep. Here the rebels hastily took refuge, drew up 
the drawbridge, and bade defiance to the invaders. One 


Mr. Butlin proceeded to read the Riot Act, and sum- 
moned the castle to surrender ; while this was being done, 
the soldiers stole round to the rear, and wading across 
the moat, drawn sword in hand, took the whole party 
prisoners. Then at length Dr. Ingles emerged from his 
study, the thunders of Jove upon his brow, and condign 
punishment fell on the captives. The floggings adminis- 
tered on that memorable occasion were for ever a sore 
subject with the victims; and those who were expelled 
apparently blessed their good luck. One of the sufferers, 
and a ringleader in this Great Rebellion, soon afterwards 
entered the army, and served with distinction in the 
Peninsula and in Burmah. This was Lieut.-General Sir 
Willoughby Cotton, G.C.B., who showed more skill in 
his later career as a soldier than he did in this first 
attempt. Perhaps his experience as a corpus vile helped 
him to put down the rebellion of the slaves in Jamaica. 
Other schools have had their rebellions, but Rugby pro- 
bably enjoys a unique distinction in the reading of the 
Riot Act, and in the presence of full-blown soldiers among 
the attacking party. It is noteworthy that no kind of 
reference occurs to this event in the Trustees 1 Book. It 
may be imagined how serious that mutiny must have 
been which they so solemnly rebuked during the Head- 
mastership of Dr. James. The garrulous " Nimrod " calls 
it "awful, 11 and declines to enlarge on the subject; but 
James (he adds) learnt a lesson which he never forgot. 
It is amusing to find the story of this rebellion completely 
transformed in popular tradition. For many a year a 


legend was current in the School of a battle fought be- 
tween the boys and a regiment of Irish soldiers, in which 
the boys gained glory and great renown. 1 

Foiled in this essay of real warfare, the School had 
recourse to playing at war. Just at this time all England 
was in fevers of apprehension lest a French army should 
land. Loyal subscriptions were sent in from all parts of 
the kingdom to aid in the national defence or insurance, 
and in 1798 the boys of Rugby School collected 52. 10s. 
for this purpose. 2 Volunteer forces were enrolled all over 
the country, whose strange weapons or head-gear may still 
sometimes be seen reposing peacefully in a country church. 
Rugby was not behindhand, and in 1803 a corps was 
formed in the town. 3 There were over a hundred mem- 
bers in Rugby itself, and about sixty from the neighbour- 
ing villages. In the following year the School would seem 
to have followed suit, 4 and its two companies might have 
been seen any day after school, drest in blue lapel led coats, 
cuffed and collared with scarlet, tin sheaths girt about 
their loins. They wielded thick wooden broadswords, 
with which (being on foot) they naturally practised the 
cavalry exercise. Occasionally they would divide into 
two armies, one to defend the Island and one to attack, 
and many a broken pate had those wooden swords to 
answer for. It must be admitted, the Rugby boys made 
the most of their weapons. 

1 New Rugleian, ii. 187. 

2 Printed Keceipt in Register, vol. i. 

3 Roll and other documents among the Papers, 

4 Pollock, Life of W. C. Macready, i. 15. 


Of Ingles's pupils a very large number, as might be 
expected in the great war, entered the army or navy. 
Admiral Lord Somerville l served against the French 
and in the American War of 1813-14. Sir Willoughby 
Cotton, 2 leader of the Great Rebellion, has already been 
mentioned ; he served in the army for more than half a 
century, and one of his aides-de-camp in the East was 
Henry Havelock. The Hon. Edward Henry Irby 3 was 
captain of the 2nd Life Guards at Waterloo, Edward 
Holbeche 4 was captain of the Enniskillens, and many 
of their old schoolfellows fought beside them. George 
James, 5 a son of the late Head-master of Rugby, served in 
the Peninsula and in the second American War. Some of 
the Rugby boys of that day were in the tented field at an 
age when most boys are aspiring to play in their house 
fifteen; one of them had fought in nine pitched battles 
before he came of age. Among the deeds of these youth- 
ful heroes is one plucky feat which ought not to be for- 
gotten. After the battle of Vittoria, Soult was attempting 
to raise the siege of Pampluna, which was then surrounded 
by a Spanish force. Lord Wellington brought up a 
brigade to check this movement, and arrived just when 
the opposing armies were engaged. Henry Hanmer, 6 
then aide to Sir Robert Hill, was sent on to announce the 
arrival of the English brigade. The shortest way lay 
across a bridge over the Arc, which had been blown up ; 

1 Entered 1795. 2 Entered 1795. 3 Entered 1796. 

4 Entered 1796. 5 Entered 1804. 

6 Entered 1799. See Naval and Military Records, p. 37. 


the choice otherwise lying between going some miles 
round by a ford. Hanmer examined the bridge through 
his glass, and saw that the explosion had only destroyed 
the centre arch. As time was of great importance, he took 
the risk. Clapping spurs to his horse, he galloped under 
the walls of the town, through a hot fire, and came to 
the bridge. A yawning chasm now lay before him, but 
he put the horse at it, and just managed to clear the gap. 
Even then he was all but down, for the stones on the 
far side gave way, and the horse fell. But horse and man 
got up again, and Hanmer, waving his sword in the air, 
galloped away to complete his errand. If he leamt some- 
thing of horsemanship by making his Head-master's horses 
leap over bars, as others had done, this daring deed might 
fairly have earned forgiveness. 

In literature and scholarship none of the boys of this 
time would seem to have attained eminence ; unless, per- 
haps, this may be said of Thomas Robinson, 1 afterwards 
Professor of Arabic at Cambridge, translator of the Bible 
into Persian, and Master of the Temple. But one genius 
of another kind was among them : this was William 
Charles Macready, the famous actor. 2 He lodged in the 
boarding-house of his cousin, Mr. Birch, and at first had 
a hard time of it. 

The system of bullying (he writes) seemed to have 
banished humanity from most of the boys above me, or rather 
of those between me and the highest forms. I was fag to a 

1 Entered 1805. 2 Entered 1803. 


young man of the name of Ridge, an Irishman, who was a 
very harsh task -master ; and I was made so uncomfortable 
in the Common Hall, that, but for the refuge of my own 
snug bedroom, I should have been almost despondent. . . 
From the bullying endured, the first year of my term was 
real misery. 1 

The praepostors used to abuse their power shamefully, 
and Macready has a tale of a roasting even worse than 
that in Tom Brown, which made the victim seriously 
ill. But he soon began to rise rapidly in the School, 
and forgot his old terrors in the joys of stage manage- 
ment. One amusement of the bigger boys was in getting 
up plays, which were acted to their schoolfellows in 
BucknilFs. Ere long Macready was to the fore, of 
course, in these performances ; and he gives a description 
of them : 

They were very fairly done, only that it was necessary at 
the end of every scene to drop the curtain in order to change 
one for another. In the course of time these plays were 
removed to a sort of hall at the Schoolhouse, called the 
" Over School," the reading and sitting room of the School- 
house Fifth and Sixth Form boys. It opened into a large 
bedroom, which went by the name of " Paradise," with nine 
beds appropriated to the head boys, arid was very convenient 
to the actors for dressing and undressing. The actors in 
these plays made application through me to my father for 
the loan of books, and afterwards for dresses, with which, to 
their great delight, he readily furnished them. In grateful 

1 Life, i. 2. 


testimony they considered themselves obliged to give me, 
although in the Under School, parts in their performances, 
and my theatrical career at Rugby was begun as prompter a 
distinguished post for an Under School boy ; and I ran through 
the characters of Dame Ashfield in " Speed the Plough," Mrs. 
Bulgruddery in "John Bull/' the Jew in Dibdin's "School 
for Prejudice," and Briefwit in the farce of " Weathercock." 

Macready had a great respect for Ingles, and " liked 
him very much, stern and inaccessible as he seemed to 
all of us." One day as Macready was playing at football 
in the Close, the Head-master called him out, and bidding 
him keep on his hat, walked along by his side. What 
follows shall be told in Macready's words. 

He inquired of me what my father designed for me. I 
told him I was intended for the law. He continued : " Have 
you not thought of your father's profession ? " " No, sir." 
" Should you not like it ? " " No, sir, I should wish to go 
to the bar." "Are you quite certain you should not wish 
to go on the stage ? " " Quite certain, sir ; I very much dis- 
like it, and the thought of it." "Well," he added, "I am 
glad of it. But if you had had any thoughts that way 1 
should have wished to give you some advice, which I am glad 
to believe is now unnecessary." 

What that advice would have been, it is not difficult 
to gather. Macready, it is clear, had not yet found out 
his vocation ; but in the next chapter we shall see a 
change, when the fostering care of Wooll gives play to 
his talents. 

Another amusement much affected by the Rugby 


boys was coaching. 1 Those were the days of the Four-in- 
Hand Club; and as the boys had emulated their elders 
in patronising the ring, so now they got up their own 
coaching clubs. 

Mr. Over, the school carpenter, was appointed coach- 
maker ; and rival chariots, drawn by teams of from four to 
twelve fags in harness, and tooled by a praepostor, raced 
round the school close, or took longer drives to the neigh- 
bouring villages. Once a return coach from Dunchurch 
overtook an old dame coming to Rugby market with eggs 
and butter. In spite of all her attempts to decline the 
honour, she was hoisted into the seat beside the driver, 
and carried into the town in triumph. 

It is amusing to find house contests of this kind 
waged with as much excitement as a football match. 
Bucknill's and Birch's were reported the fastest teams. 
As in the hare and hounds, so in coaching, the prae- 
postors seem to have had the best of it. This youthful 
training had its effect, and Rugby turned out one of 
the best gentlemen coachmen of the day in "Long 
Parry " of Llanrhaiadr, 2 who gave to this pursuit what 
time he could spare from winning Chancellor's medals 
and prizes for Latin verse. 

1 The Public Schools, p. 371. 2 Entered 1784. 


JOHN WOOLL, D.D., 1806-1828 

THERE were a large number of candidates for the post 
made vacant by Ingles's resignation, and among them 
a man who soon was to become the most famous school- 
master of his generation. This was Samuel Butler, the 
Head-master of Shrewsbury School. Butler has been 
already spoken of in these pages as the ablest scholar 
among the pupils of Thomas James. As having been 
educated at Rugby School, he had by statute a prior 
claim to election, other things being equal. But for 
some reason he was not chosen by the Trustees; it is 
said because of the severity of his discipline. Butler 
was deeply hurt by his rejection, and justly so. In later 
years many of the Trustees must have seen that they 
had made a mistake. Yet, fortunately for the School, 
the mistake was not fatal to Rugby ; for the man chosen 
was worthy of the place on his merits, and only the 
brilliancy of his rival could have suggested to any that 
a mistake had been made. John Wooll was " a perfect 
gentleman and a good disciplinarian," says one of his 
pupils, and he seems to have won the respect and affec- 
tion of all whom he taught. 



The new Head-master 1 entered upon his duties at 
the beginning of 1807. He had been several years 
Master of Midhurst Grammar School; and though of 
no great mark as a scholar, he was a thoroughly good 
schoolmaster. He was one of those men whose bland and 
almost jovial appearance covers a reserve of power, which 
careless observers would not suspect to be there. He is 
indeed a strong contrast to his two immediate pre- 
decessors, Ingles the gloomy, and the excitable James. 
It is curious how this difference between the three comes 
out in their handwriting and composition. James writes 
in a small irregular hand, his letters running into each 
other in such a way as often to be almost illegible. His 
manuscript is full of erasures, corrections, and additions ; 
his thoughts throng, and one ripples over the next like 
little waves on the seashore. He is garrulous to a degree, 
and shows a delightful and quaint simplicity which re- 
veals him in every line. On the other hand, the one or 
two letters of Ingles which are preserved are without 
signature, and go straight to the point with grim Spartan 
brevity. Wooll uses a neat and regular style of writing, 
pointed like that in vogue years ago in ladies' schools; 
there is some formality of phrase, a studious restraint, 
and no self-revelation. To judge from the letters, few 
would imagine James to have been the genius ; yet so 

1 Son of John Wooll, Winchester, arm. Balliol College : matricu- 
lated Jan. 17, 1785, age 17 ; B.A. from New, 1790; M.A. 1794; B.D. 
and D.D. 1807 ; Rector of Blackford, Somerset, 1796 ; Master of Mid- 
hurst Free Grammar School, 1799-1806 ; died Nov. 23, 1833. Alumni 



it was. In him was a strength which held in check 
his natural irritability and fussiness when it came to 
action ; but when he took up his pen, the bow relaxed. 

It is odd to find the prim and precise Dr. Wooll 
arriving at Rugby in a tandem, with his servant " Thos " 
mounted upon the leader. " Thos " was for the next half 
century a familiar figure to all Rugbeians, a storehouse 
of ancient tradition, and a veritable link with the past. 1 

In the first year of Dr. WoolPs mastership the charge 
for board was increased to twenty-five guineas per annum, 2 
and an entrance fee of two guineas was ordered for each 
non-Foundationer, with one guinea paid to the tutor by 
each boy that had a tutor. The boarding charge was 
subsequently put at thirty guineas, 3 and this may explain 
why the number of boys in the School fell off towards the 
end of WoolPs time. Under Wooll the School attained 
the number of 381 4 in one year, the highest number ever 
yet known at Rugby ; and it quite kept up its reputa- 
tion for sound learning. There were the nine assistant 
masters, and the School ranked second among the public 
schools in England. 

Wooll lost no time in carrying out three improvements. 
The first was, to establish prizes in Latin and English 
verse. At his request the Trustees voted ten guineas 5 

1 The Public Schools, p. 376 ; Book of Rugby School, p. 143 (portrait). 

2 Order of Aug. 4, 1807. 

3 Letter of John Wooll, Jan. 26, 1812 ; Order of Jan. 26, 1813. One 
cause was the still rising cost of food. 

4 The Public Schools, p. 382. 

5 Order of August 4, 1807. 


for a copy of Latin hexameters, and six guineas for an 
English poem, both to be awarded at the Speech Day 
in June. These prizes continued to be voted each year 
at the Head-master's request, during the time that Wooll 
was in office. From time to time special prizes were also 
voted to boys who had done well in the examinations. 1 
At the same time the Head-master seems to have inter- 
ested himself in the internal economy of the boarding- 
houses. Such an arrangement as this, by which boys lodged 
with persons not directly responsible for their behaviour, 
must often have proved unsatisfactory ; and although 
the true solution of the difficulty was not hit upon until 
Arnold's time, the Head-master was directed to see that 
prayers were held regularly in them. This was a begin- 
ning which afterwards led to better things. The third 
improvement was a pension scheme started in 1824 2 for 
assistant masters, since they had no emolument beyond 
their salary, and "the uncertain advantage arising from 
their profits." At the same time a substantial addition 
was made to the salary of five masters, who had been on 
the staff' for periods varying from twenty-four to seven- 
and- thirty years. Mr. Sale, the writing-master, was 
appointed librarian in 1824. 3 

But the most important event of this period was the 
rebuilding of the whole block of school buildings. It 
had long been felt that some change was necessary. 

1 Order of Aug. 7, 1809, and see 1816, 1818, et al. 

2 Order of July 6, 1824. 

3 Order of July 6, 1824 : 5, 5s. per annum. 


James found it as much as he could do to house his 
classes, and was reduced to using an old almshouse for 
one of them, sheds for others, and a barn for the chapel. 
He had erected some new rooms, together with a long 
line of sheds for shelter in rough weather. What with 
these and the barns and hedges, u cow- lodges " and 
"hog-lodges/ 1 the School must have looked somewhat 
like a small chapel gone astray in a large farmyard. 
The space now occupied by the New Quadrangle was 
partly covered with tumble-down cottages and their 
appurtenances ; along the back of these ran the shelter- 
sheds. The Schoolhouse was not conveniently built 
for its purpose, and the front was not lovely to look 
upon. Add to this that the Trustees had in hand a very 
large sum of money, being the surplus income invested in 
good securities. The accumulations now amounted to 
more than ^40,000. Conduit Close, which two hundred 
years before was worth 8 a year, was now worth more 
than %QQO ; and the income of the School altogether was 
nearly 3500, and more than double the expenditure. 

The plan had been some years maturing. In 1799, 
as we have seen, 1 a Committee had been appointed to 
procure plans and estimates for building a new house 
for the Master, a chapel, and schools, together with such 
other buildings as should be thought necessary. The 
Committee set to work, and in 1808 2 an architect named 
Hakewill 3 was fixed upon to do the building. 

1 Above, p. 182. 2 Order of May 12, 1808. 

8 So spelt in his autograph, July 20, 1819. 



In the next year building commenced, and took six 
years in completion. We can trace its gradual progress 
by the gradual increase of the sums paid year by year for 
insurance against fire. Dr. Wooll seems to have accom- 
plished the difficult feat of carrying on the school work 
all the same. Each school was in use to the last 






From apian drawn by T. Wilson, 1750. (The Sibyl, No. 2.) 

moment; then exeunt boys and enter workmen, and 
the place which in one hour echoed to the melodious 
sounds of Latin declensions, echoed in the next to pick- 
axe and hammer. 

The sum of <10,000 which was at first asked for 
soon proved insufficient. Johnson's Big School, sound 


as it doubtless was, had to come down after a very 
short lease of life, not one-third of the time during which 
the first Big School had lasted. So many new schools 
were required, that in the end the cost mounted 
up to some ^35,000. In 1816, after the house 
and schools were completed, the Close was made 
into one large playground. In the estate bought in 
1749 there were three fields : the Barn Close, towards 
the D unchurch Road ; the Garden Close, by the house ; 
and beyond these the Pond Close, which contained the 
Island, and near it the ruins of a moated grange and a 
square pool once belonging to the monks of Pipe well. 
In 1816 the fences between these various fields were 
levelled, and a plain piece of eight acres or so thus made 
ready for games. It is interesting to note that this Close 
(the present playground less New Big Side) was exactly 
the same size as the third part of Conduit Field left 
to the School by Lawrence Sheriffe. Although the hedges 
went down, the trees were left standing, and these have 
ever since been one of the chief beauties of Rugby. They 
are even now a fine sight to look upon ; but those who 
knew the Close before the great storms of 1881 and 
1895 cry Ichabod. In the centre of this ground stood the 
famous Three Trees. The boys themselves assisted in 
levelling part of the Close for a cricket field. 1 Paul 

1 "July 8, 1823. Ordered that the Clerk do pay to the young 
gentlemen at the School the sum of three pounds fifteen shillings and 
sixpence, which they have expended in levelling parts of the cricket 

(From Ackermami's "Public Schools"} 


Saumarez 1 is credited with having been the first to intro- 
duce cricket into the School ; but this cannot be true, for 
Nimrod 2 recollects cricket among the sports and pastimes 
of the previous reign. 

An addition to the school property was made in 
1825, 3 when the " Close and gardens opposite the School 
House garden " were bought for two thousand guineas. 
From time to time the old tenements adjoining the 
School were bought as opportunity served, and thus the 
first step was taken towards the enlargement afterwards 
carried out. 

The block thus built by Hakewill consisted of the 
Old Quadrangle and the Master's House. The house has 
a picturesque appearance, owing to the turreted doorway, 
and now also to the ivy which covers the walls. The 
door opens into an octagonal hall, with oak panelling, 
on which are emblazoned the arms of those who were 
Trustees at the time of building, and others connected 
with the School. Living rooms are found on this floor, 
one of them the Head-master's study, with its memories 
of Dr. Arnold. The study can be entered by another 
door in the corner, which leads up to it from the open 
by a winding staircase in a second small turret. This 
turret door will be familiar to readers of Tom Brown's 
School Days, and by this many a boy has entered with 
the most gloomy anticipations, often fulfilled. From the 
Master's part of the Schoolhouse a paved corridor leads 

1 Entered 1807. See Register, p. 97. 2 Above, p. 170. 

3 Order of Sept. 27, 1825. 

(From an etching by E.J. Burrow.} 

To face page 201. 


past some of the studies into the Schoolhouse Hall. 
This is a " long, rather lofty room," wainscoted part way 
up in oak, which is black with age and elbow-grease. 
Strong oak tables and benches run the length of the 
room, and experience has shown that these require to be 
firmly screwed to the floor. At the upper end, where a 
window looks out upon the Close, is a raised platform, 
with another table and bench. Here sit the Head- 
master (when he shares a meal with the boys), the head 
of the house on his left, and the other house poten- 
tates in a grim line beside him. On the east side is a 
huge fireplace, screened off by a fence of strong iron bars. 
Within this screen took place many a roasting famous in 
story or tradition. This hall stands on the site of John- 
son's Big School, and resembles it closely, except that 
the south end is not rounded. As in Johnson n s School, 
so here, rooms occupy the storey above ; and almost 
above it is the Fifth Form Room. As we have seen 
that Johnson copied the original school of Lawrence 
Sheriffe in its main features, it follows that the School- 
house Hall and the rooms above it resemble that school. 
The Hall thus forms the one link of continuity in the 
school buildings, joining the present pile to the first. 
Over the Hall rose a tower containing a bell and a clock, 
which at that time (while the front gate was low) could 
be seen from the High Street. 

A large door opens from the Hall into the School- 
house Quadrangle. Along the south side of this quad- 
rangle is a row of four schools, opening upon cloisters, 


with studies and dormitories above. One of these is now 
the Armoury. At right angles to this on the east runs 
another row of cloisters ; and on the west is HakewilFs 
Big School, now called Old Big School. On the western 
side is a large gateway, which, as Hakewill built it, had 
no rooms above. There were schools on the ground-floor 
of this side. A projection beyond the block of schools 
was built on the southern side, ending in a turret which 
by a winding stairway leads up to a curious little room, 
with a window at each end, and a good draught through 
it. This room has sad associations for many an old 
Rugbeian. Its peaceful hours are past as a form-room ; 
and here it was that the famous Tom Evans, George 
Cotton, and Bonamy Price used to interest or amuse 
their pupils. But it is known to the fates by another 
name ; for here, during almost a century past, execution 
has been done upon convicted criminals. 

We now enter the Old Big School by one of its 
massive doors, studded with iron nails. The room is long 
and high, and panelled part way up in oak. Here, until 
lately, two or more forms used to work together, as 
may be seen in the picture opposite. The same picture 
shows two huge fireplaces, made on the same principle 
as that of the Schoolhouse Hall, already described ; but, 
like the rest of the school buildings, it is now warmed 
by hot-water pipes. Three of the four thrones for the 
Masters have also disappeared, leaving a single throne in 
solitary glory at the south end. At the north end of the 
room are boards bearing the names of exhibitioners from 


the year 1829 onward, among which may be seen names 
not unknown to fame : Bradley, Conington, Waddington, 
Hort, Goschen, Bowen, Sidgwick. Along the walls are 
boards with the names of the different form masters, 
opposite which the boys range themselves at " Co " or 


calling-over, on half-holiday afternoons. In this Big 
School morning prayers used to be said, and here the 
boys were assembled whenever it was necessary to address 
them together. Here too, from 1814 to 1820, divine 
service was held for the School on Sundays. 


It would be easy to find fault with the architecture of 
the old buildings. Architecture was in a parlous state at 
the beginning of this century, and one who tried to imitate 
the castellated style of the fifteenth century was bound 
to err in details. Moreover, the mock battlements, which 
never could be of practical use for anything except for 
schoolboys'* hide-and-seek, may be in bad taste ; never- 
theless, the effect is undoubtedly good. A building 
thoroughly sound, twice as strong as it need be, with 
materials all of the very best, and no trouble spared, 
must at any rate win respect ; and moreover, the appear- 
ance is striking. Whether it is seen from the front, the 
strong gateway now dominating the street ; or from the 
Close, a long low mass of rectangular outline, with high 
windows, and plenty of play with light and shadow : the 
sight is at once impressive and pleasing. This is espe- 
cially so when the elms are in leaf, and half hide the 
massive pile with green; or when the Virginia creeper 
which clings to it is all one red. These buildings were 
made to last ; and on looking closely at their strength, 
one is tempted to wonder whether the architect was think- 
ing of Napoleon and the invasion of England, or perhaps 
had not forgotten the Great School Rebellion of ten years 

A chapel was, as we have seen, part of the original 

plan ; but it was left until the more pressing needs of the 

School were met. This done, Mr. Hakewill entered into 

a contract with the Trustees to build a chapel. 1 It was 

1 Autograph in Order- Book, July 20, 1819. 


to be ninety feet long, by thirty broad and thirty feet 
high, and was to cost ^7500. A famous relic of an- 
tiquity disappeared when the chapel was begun. This 
was a great elm known as Treen*s Tree. Its fall in 
181 8 l inspired one of those who had often sheltered 
beneath it to break out into rapturous if uninspired 
verse. Its " classic arms " fell, its " summit strewed 
the plain," and the wood was used in panelling the 

Dr. Wooll laid the foundation-stone of the new chapel, 
and in two years it was completed. It was built of brick, 
with stone dressings, and heavy tracery in the windows. 
It had a door at the west end leading into the street, and 
at the same end was the ante-chapel, with an organ-loft 
above it. Another door led into the ante-chapel from 
the south. The north-east corner had a turret (Hakewill 
evidently loved his turrets, as former architects doted on 
pillared porches) and a small vestry. Within, the chapel 
looked like a long room, having a flat ceiling, and nothing 
but the windows to relieve the straight lines. At the 
west end were eight stalls in oak, two canopied, of which 
one was used by the Head-master and one by the chaplain. 
These stalls still exist in the present chapel, and stand in 
the same position. Above was a gallery, with seats in 
front for some of the lower forms, and the organ loft. 
The seats were arranged facing, like a college chapel, and 
the pulpit (the same which is still used) was towards the 
east. At each corner of the east end was a huge square 
1 Bloxam, Rugby, p. 93 ; see also 96-98. 


pew, one for the Head-master's family, and the other for 
the assistants. The windows were filled with plain glass, 
and the ceiling (which was made of plaster) was actually 
painted to imitate boards. This imitation painting was 
the one feature in common between the first Rugby 
Chapel and Milan Cathedral. Two mural tablets were 
placed here in WoolPs time : one of Edward Lecky, a boy 
who was accidentally killed by falling from a tree in the 
Close ; the other to the Rev. George Loggin, chaplain and 
assistant master. The monument of Dr. James was placed 
in this chapel at a later date, and opposite was placed a 
similar monument to Dr. Wooll, by Westmacott. In 
1822 the organist was instructed to train eight boys in 
singing at the chapel, and was allowed ten pounds a year 
for so doing. 1 This choir was dressed in surplices, and 
each boy was paid forty shillings a year for his services. 
A new organ was presented in 1823, 2 and in 1824 3 
Frederick Marshall was appointed organist at a salary of 
fifty pounds. Mr. Anstey was made chaplain in 1825, 
receiving ninety pounds a year. 4 In 1824, for the first 
time, a school hymn-book was published, and Rugby 
appears to have been the first school to have one of its own. 
The architectural style of the Old School Chapel has 
been much derided. It cannot be denied that the 
" Georgian Gothic " bears little resemblance to the true 
Gothic, and is not a thing of beauty ; and yet this first 
chapel, modest and unobtrusive, harmonised better in 

1 Order of July 9, 1822. 2 Order of July 8, 1823. 

3 Order of July 6, 1824. 4 Order of July 5, 1825. 


both colour and size with the rest of the School than the 
more pretentious erections which afterwards took its place. 

Two more events of WoolPs mastership must be men- 
tioned. In 1827, 1 HakewilTs plan was accepted for 
building a school library at the cost of 1350 ; and this 
we shall see carried out in the next reign. The second 
was the founding of a prize for Greek verse, named after 
Dr. James, and subscribed for by his old pupils. This 
was done in the same year. On September 10, 1827, Dr. 
Wooll resigned. 

It had been for many years the practice to hold a 
dinner or supper for old Rugbeians at Rugby on the day 
of the speeches. One of these is advertised in the Cam- 
bridge Chronicle for May 8, 1784 : 2 

April 17, 1784. 

The Anniversary Meeting of the Gentlemen educated at 
Rugby School will be held on Tuesday, the 1st of June. The 
ladies and gentlemen who intend to favour the Meeting with 
their company, if they wish to hear the speeches, are desired 
to be at the School-house at 12 o'clock. An ordinary will 
be provided at the George for the ladies, and at the Bear 
for the gentlemen. 

The Rev. Dr. CLARE, | _ 

._.-___ } stewards. 

The Rev. Mr. KNIGHTLEY, J 

In WoolPs time these gatherings were held at the 
Freemasons' Tavern, or afterwards at the Spread Eagle. 

1 Order of July 3, 1827. 2 Sibyl, No. 20. 


Sometimes the jovial Wooll himself would preside ; and 
there appears to have been usually a topical song composed 
for the occasion, after the fashion of the " Vive la " of later 
days. One of these songs is still preserved, 1 written by 
Lyttelton. The chorus of "Sheriff's Song, 11 as it is 
called, is somewhat bacchanalian : 

Let Rugby's true sons, at the Free Masons' Tavern, 
Booze as stoutly as Polypheme did in his cavern ; 
And mark, boys, the toast be it stav'd ter and quater, 
Here's the memory of old Lawrence our princely Fundator. 

The glories of the ancients pall before those of Rugby ; 
and by some process of legerdemain, Shakespeare is ab- 
sorbed into the magic circle. As for rival schools 

Our Greek and our Latin 

Would soon come so pat in, 

Who should hear us would think we were Antients a-chatting ; 
And I'll prove we can match, though it kindle their choler, 
Any Westminster, Eton, or Wykehamist scholar. 

The Trustees had clearly not wasted their six guineas. 

From the date of WoolPs accession a record has been 
kept of the university honours of Rugbeians. 2 By this 
document it appears that among his pupils were sixteen 
Fellows of different colleges at Oxford and Cambridge, 
one Senior Wrangler, one Ireland scholar, one Craven 
scholar at Cambridge, one Chancellor's medallist, and 
four Bell scholars. A university prize for Latin verse 

1 In the possession of Mr. A. J. Lawrence. 

2 MS. in Rugby School Library ; see also notes to Register. 


was won four times, for Latin essay twice ; there was one 
Newdigate prizeman and two Members 1 prizemen. This 
shows clearly that the work of Thomas James was bearing 
its fruit, thanks to the care and skill of his successors. 
But university honours are small things in the life of a 
nation, and there is no need to dwell on these. Dr. Wooll 
had his share of the honours of the great world. Among 
his pupils were statesmen, as Edward John Walhouse, 1 
afterwards Lord Hatherton, and Secretary of State for 
Ireland ; Frederick James Halliday, 2 Lieutenant-Governor 
of Bengal during the Indian Mutiny ; Edward Horsman, 3 
a Lord of the Treasury and Chief Secretary for Ireland ; 
Sir James Hudson, K.C.B, 4 Minister Plenipotentiary at 
Florence and Turin ; and Roundell Palmer, 5 afterwards 
Solicitor-General, Attorney-General, and Lord Chancel- 
lor. There were future scholars and antiquarians, such 
as Sir Thomas Phillipps ; 6 Francis Knyvett Leighton, 7 
Warden of All Souls ; Henry Halford Vaughan, 8 Regius 
Professor of Modern History at Oxford ; and Lord Sidney 
Godolphin Osborne. 9 Others became eminent physicians, 
such as Sir Charles Locock; 10 divines such as Thomas 
Legh Claughton, 11 first Bishop of St. Albans, and Edward 
Field, 12 afterwards Bishop of Newfoundland ; and Joseph 
Miles Berkeley 13 was afterwards famous as a naturalist. 
The number of those who entered the services is very 

1 Entered 1806. 
Entered 1823. 
Entered 1816. 
Entered 1810. 

2 Entered 1814. 
5 Entered 1823. 
8 Entered 1823. 
" Entered 1819. 
is Entered 1817. 

s Entered 1819. 
6 Entered 1807. 
9 Entered 1819. 
12 Entered 1814. 


great. Somerville Waldemar Burges l was a lieutenant 
in the Coldstream Guards at Waterloo, and had previously 
fought in the Peninsula. Francis Wheler 2 raised a regi- 
ment of irregular cavalry, served with distinction in the 
Afghan war of 1841, and commanded in the Bundelcand 
expedition of 1859. Another Rugbeian who distinguished 
himself in the Afghan campaign was David Rattray, 8 who 
was in the defence of Jellalabad and the chief actions which 
followed its relief. A third, Robert Trevor, 4 was mur- 
dered in 1841 at Cabul with poor Macnaghten. Horatio 
Shirley, 5 afterwards Major- General, commanded at the 
Alma and fought at Inkermann, winning honourable 
mention on both occasions. William Hayhurst Hall, 6 
lieutenant of the Alligator, showed conspicuous gallantry 
in storming forts in Burmah and exterminating the Bur- 
mese pirates, and was present in the Thunderer at the 
bombardment of Acre in 1840. 

In the previous chapter mention was made of W. C. 
Macready and the beginnings of the drama at Rugby. If 
Ingles knew of the surreptitious performances that went 
on, and winked at them under his grim brows, he did 
nothing to encourage them. But with WoolPs benign 
influence the young tragedian^ light comes forth from 
beneath its bushel. Macready's imagination had already 
been fired by the performance of a " wonderful boy, a 
miracle of beauty, grace, and genius,"" whom Macready's 
father had brought to England. He acted in Belfast and 

1 Entered 1808. 2 Entered 1810. 3 Entered 1827. 

4 Entered 1813. 5 Entered 1820. 6 Entered 1811. 


Edinburgh before crowded houses, and Betty, " the young 
Roscius," became the rage throughout the country. So 
charming was he that he even made people forget Bona- 
parte and the dreaded invasion. One day Macready and 
young Tom Birch were smuggled into a chaise, and went 
over to Leicester to see him act in Richard III. The two 
truants saw the play out, then mounting into their chaise, 
drove back to Rugby in the night, and got back in time 
for first lesson. This was perhaps the turning-point in 
Macready's career ; but at all events, we soon find him in 
the thick of it at Rugby. 

On October 15, 1807, the boys' company acted TheCastk 
Spectre in Over School, the following being the cast : 

Earl Osmond . . . T. ROBINSON (afterwards Master of the 


Earl Percy . . . . G. RICKETTS (Sir G. W. Ricketts, Judge 

of the Supreme Court, Madras). 

Kenrick HOPKINS. 

Father Philip . . . WILLIS (Prebendary of Wells). 

Reginald . . . . ) doubled b w c MACREADY. 

Motley J 

Hassan WALHOUSE (Lord Hatherton). 

Saib H. ROBINSON (Tutor of St. John's Col- 
lege, Cambridge). 

Muley W. AYLING. 

Allan HON. E. FINCH (British Chaplain in 


Evelina R. TWOPENNY. 

Angela W. DICKENS (Chairman of Quarter 

Sessions, Warwickshire). 



Not only did the company act this play to their school- 
fellows, but they were actually allowed to give a perform- 
ance for the town after locking-up. Just before Macready 
left, The Revenge was acted in Dr. WoolPs own school, 
before the Doctor and "Mother Wooll," most of the 
masters, and a number of friends. Macready was Zanga, 
and Hastings Robinson was Don Manuel. Macready had 
hardly left Rugby a year and a half when he made his 
debut on the public stage at Birmingham, in the character 
of Romeo. Some little time after he appeared as Hamlet, 
by WoolFs special request, and Wooll, with several of 
the masters, went to Birmingham on purpose to see him. 
Wooll entertained the whole party at dinner before the play. 
Forty years later, Macready paid his last visit to 
Rugby. 1 It was at the time when some enterprising 
American wished to buy Shakespeare's house at Stratford, 
and to transport it bodily to the New World. A fund 
was being collected in England to buy it and make it 
national property, and in aid of this fund Macready 
read the play of Hamlet before the School. He was re- 
ceived with enthusiasm, and heard with attention, and 
retired with a cheque for fifty pounds in his pocket. His 
last performance was Macbeth, and he considered it his 
best. He retired in 1851, and died at Cheltenham in 
1873, keeping to the last the kindliest memories of his old 
Head-master. " I think of him with great regard,"" he 
says ; " he was very kind to me, and greatly liked by the 
boys of gentlemanly character. 11 

1 Bloxam, Rugby, p. 116. See Big Side Records of the date. 


We are now within the range of Mr. M. H. Bloxam's 
reminiscences, and his scattered papers are a veritable 
storehouse of interesting tales. In 1813 1 he made his 
first appearance at Rugby, a small urchin in the " skeleton 
dress," consisting of jacket close buttoned, with a frill 
round his neck, and trousers (for the old knee-breeches 
were already disappearing). The School must have pre- 
sented a motley appearance, with Dr. Wooll and his 
powdered hair, Mr. Sleath in a cocked hat, the big boys 
in white duck trousers and green or blue swallow-tail 
coats with metal buttons. Even for games the ordinary 
dress was used, and all that a boy did by way of prepara- 
tion was to throw off* his coat and tall hat. Caps were 
a thing unknown. The condition of the boys after a 
scrummage, or a good cross-country run, must have been 
enough to scare any fond mother out of her senses. The 
runs at this period were often enlivened by some refresh- 
ment at the other end. There used to be a run every 
year after the prizes had been awarded, and the winners 
were expected to refresh the whole posse comitatus there 
assembled. Thus, in the great Prize Poem Run in 1816 
the two prizemen stood treat to hares, hounds, and hunts- 
men at a certain inn at Newbold, where they drank as 
much bad beer as they could contain. On the way back 
the potation had its effect, and with one accord the boys 
leapt into a plantation and tore up each a young sapling ; 
but they paid dearly for the fun. Those that did not like 
beer could climb into a farmyard and milk somebody^s cow. 
1 Rugby, p. 81 foil., and papers in the Meteor and other periodicals. 


Rugby boys were still as pugnacious as ever, and some 
daring few risked all pains and penalties to obtain private 
lessons from any bruiser of repute who might be in 
Rugby. By this means they might perhaps attain to 
the coveted position of Cock of their house, or even 
Cock of the School. In an old house at the corner of 
Sheep Street 1 lived old Mother Treen, whose three sons, 
Tom, Joe, and John, were a redoubtable trio. Opposite 
was a boarding-house kept by Mr. Stanley, then the 
writing-master, and three "swells'" of this house, two 
Blewitts and a Proby, challenged the Treen Trio, or 
were challenged by them, to decide the superiority of 
town or school in one fell battle. A field was chosen 
for the meeting, and the champions stripped, several 
other couples joining in the fun. Then 

Proby young, and Blewitts twain, 

Wrestled with sons of Treen, 
And other chieftains on the plain 

Of Lawford, now were seen. 

They had not been at it above twenty minutes, and were 
just warming to their work, when a cry was raised, 
" WoolPs coming ! " Like the insubstantial fabric of a 
vision the crowd melted away, Horatii and Curiatii fled 
in six different directions, and the championship had to 
remain undecided. Not only against the " town louts " did 
Rugby boys vent their wrath, but, when chance offered, 
even against their own masters. There were barrings out 

1 The site is now occupied by a chemist's shop. 


and lockings in, " Rebelion " (sic) chalked up on this door, 
and "Blood" on that. Even a worm will turn, much 
more a fag ; and in 1822 the fags, having been unjustly 
punished for some seditious squibs, defied both masters 
and praepostors for some time. They were at length re- 
duced to submission, some were expelled, and many more 
left in disgust. On another occasion the Lower Fourth 
had a spree of its own. 1 All the boys left their school 
together in the midst of a lesson, except one who happened 
to be standing beside the Master's desk. Prompt and 
dire was the vengeance that fell on the sinners. At three 
the praepostors were assembled, the Lower Fourth Form 
called up, and Wooll flogged the whole of them from first 
to last, including the innocent boy who did not go out 
with the rest. The despatch was a marvel : the whole 
thirty-eight were begun and done in a quarter of an hour. 
Although so kindly and jovial-looking, the Doctor was a 
rare hand with the birch. Most appropriate was the 
motto one of his pupils proposed for the place of execu- 
tion, "Much cry and little Wooll." It sometimes hap- 
pened, however, that the outside world attacked the masters, 
and then, in the true English fashion, the boys ceased from 
baiting them, and took up the cudgels on their behalf. 
One poor writing-master was occasionally in difficulties 
about money ; but no bailiff durst show his nose inside 
the school precincts, he would have been bonneted and 
hustled out in a trice. 

When they were tired of the prize-ring and " rebelion," 
1 The Public Schools, p. 380. 


the boys turned on their own kind. The path of learning 
is thorny for the best of us, but at Rugby it lay through 
a veritable vale of terrors. No boy could pass into a 
higher form without enduring some ordeal which recalls 
the altars of Sparta or the tests of manhood among North 
American Indians. For the lower forms it was a chairing, 
accompanied with most unpleasant experiences. On enter- 
ing the Remove in the Upper School from the Fourth, 
new-comers had to run the gauntlet several times up and 
down the Big School, while the boys of their new form 
buffeted them with handkerchiefs tied into hard " Win- 
chester knots." For the " Buffets," as this was called, the 
wary would wrap themselves round in boards or book 
covers, secured by string upon all tender portions of their 
frame, which must have caused a delightful din. Boys 
entering the Fifth were " clodded " along the sheds which 
then stood between the old barn and the schools. Fatigue 
parties of fags were kept hard at it to provide ammunition, 
by moulding clods of mud from the square pool in the 
Close. It was a fine opportunity for paying off old scores ; 
and the more unpopular the boy, the clods were the harder. 
In 1814 these charming old customs were stopped, and 
commuted for a "guttle." The new-comer stood treat, 
and provided a feast for all the boys of his new form who 
were in the same house as himself. Meat was provided 
on the sly, and cooked by the fags in some remote 
study. Some houses kept a battered collection of pots 
and pans, forks and spoons, for these occasions, renewed 
only when a successful master's raid lifted them and 


distributed the spoil among the almsmen of Lawrence 

One or two glimpses have been vouchsafed before this 
of cricket and football at Rugby, but nothing sufficient 
to give any idea of the game played. One thing, how- 
ever, seems certain : there was no traditional game in 
Rugby School before 1749, when the first playground was 
bought. In WoolPs time the game of football was still 
simple and primitive, and was played on the north-west 
corner of the Close, adjoining the Dunchurch Road. 
When the chapel was built it became necessary to move 
the ground to the front, just south of the schoolhouse 
garden. The method of procedure on Big Side is best 
told in Mr. Bloxam's words : l 

All fags were stopped on going out after three o'clock 
calling over (I should add that the fifth form only, which was 
then next to the sixth form, was exempt from fagging) and 
compelled to go into the Close, except those specially exempt, 
by having to attend the French Master, Drawing Master, or 
Drill Sergeant, the times for which, being extras, were taken 
out of the half holidays. . . . When, then, all had assembled 
in the Close, two of the best players in the School commenced 
choosing in one for each side. . . . After choosing in about a 
score on each side, a somewhat rude division was made of the 
remaining fags, half of whom were sent to keep goal on the 
one side, the other half to the opposite goal for the same 
purpose. Any fag, though not specially chosen in, might 

1 Meteor, No. 157 (1880) ; quoted also in the pamphlet, Origin of 
Rugby Football, p. 8, to which the reader is referred for more evidence. 


follow up on that side to the goal of which he was attached. 
Some of these were ready enough to mingle in the fray, 
others judiciously kept half back, watching their opportunity 
for a casual kick, which was not unfrequently awarded them. 
Few and simple were the rules of the game : touch on the 
sides of the ground was marked out, and no one was allowed 
to run with the ball in his grasp towards the opposite goal. 
It was Football, and not handball, plenty of hacking, but 
little struggling. As to costume, there were neither flannels 
or caps ; the players simply doffed their hats and coats, or 
jackets, which were heaped together on either side near the 
goals till the game was over. All were scratch matches, one 
boarding-house was never pitted against another, and there 
was no Cock House. There were no Old Rugbeian matches. 

The distinctive feature of the Rugby game seems to have 
owed its origin to chance. A boy named William Webb 
Ellis, 1 a Foundationer, was playing in a Bigside game in 
the year 1823, when he caught the ball. 

This being so (writes Mr. Bloxam), according to the 
then rules, he ought to have retired back as far as he pleased, 
without parting with the ball, for the combatants on the oppo- 
site side could only advance to the spot where he had caught 
the ball, and were unable to rush forward till he had either 
punted it or had placed it for some one else to kick, for it was 
by means of these placed kicks that most of the goals were in 
those days kicked ; but the moment the ball touched the 
ground the opposite side might rush on. Ellis, for the first 
time, disregarded this rule, and on catching the ball, instead of 
retiring backwards, rushed forwards with the ball in his hands 

1 Entered 1816. 


towards the opposite goal, with what result as to the game I 
know not ; neither do I know how this infringement of a well- 
known rule was followed up, or when it became, as it is now, 
a standing rule. 

It was probably a mere act of bravado, and yet it was 
destined to influence the whole future of the Rugby game, 
and to place Ellis among the immortals. For a time no 
more is heard of the bold innovation ; then running with 
the ball is tolerated under certain conditions ; and lastly, 
it becomes the rule. 


THOMAS ARNOLD, D.D., 1 1829-1842 

IT was not without much reluctance, and some doubt of 
his own powers, that Thomas Arnold was prevailed upon 
to become a candidate for Rugby School. He had pre- 
viously had no experience of school work, though for 
some years he had been working as a private tutor at 
Laleham. In this capacity he showed the same enthu- 
siasm as he afterwards showed in the great work of his 
life, and on his pupils he produced the same deep im- 
pressions. He not only directed their studies, but shared 
their amusements, bathing with them and playing " like 
a boy," with his " leaping-pole and gallows," and entering 
fully into their life. But to the world he was entirely 
unknown, although such as knew him had formed a very 
high estimate of his powers. His testimonials spoke in 
his favour in the strongest manner, and in one of them, 
Dr. Hawkins (afterwards Provost of Oriel) foretold that 

1 Son of William Arnold, West Cowes. Oxford, Corpus Christi 
College: matriculated Feb. 22, 1811, age 15; B.A. 1814; Fellow of 
Oriel, 1815; M.A. 1817; B.D. and D.D. 1828; Regius Professor of 
Modern History, 1841-42. Alumni Oxonienses. 

(From a painting by Richmond, in New Big School, Rugby.) 

To face page 220. 


if he were elected he would change the face of education 
all through the public schools of England. 1 

Although Arnold had not yet had experience of 
school work, he had been educated at Winchester, and 
was consequently familiar with the faults and virtues of 
the public school system. He had, moreover, thought 
much on the subject of education, and his theories and 
plans were ready for trial when the opportunity should 
come. With these in his mind, he was determined to 
accept no post unless he were allowed full power to act 
as he thought best for the school. A divided or limited 
authority was all insufficient to carry out such a task as 
he had set before him. The evils which then existed in 
public schools have been much exaggerated, but there 
is no doubt they were serious ; and Arnold felt that it 
was of no use 

9prjVLV CTT^SaS 7T/30? TOjOttOVTl TT^/XttTl. 

A head-master's duty was, in his opinion, to get rid 
of unpromising boys. This included not merely the 
morally bad, but the intellectually unpromising; for he 
saw that there is no greater danger than a boy whose 
strength wins the admiration of his fellows, while his 
mind is incapable of real culture. Those who were not 
ready to reform, and seemed only to corrupt the body 
corporate, he was determined to remove, and thus clear 
the way for a healthy life and growth. This done, he 
wished to try "whether his notions of Christian educa- 
i Stanley's Life of Arnold, i. 49. 


tion were really impracticable. 1 ' 1 It was not at all his 
idea to thrust religion down boys' throats, for he recognised 
that the capacity for religious feeling is not the same 
in a boy as in a man. Nor was it his wish to compel 
them to attend innumerable services, which would have 
made formalists of them, or implanted a lasting dislike 
of religion and all connected with it. His aim was to 
infuse a Christian spirit into the existing system, so far 
as this should prove to be possible; to teach boys how 
to apply the principles of Christianity to their work and 
their play, and to make them not scholars merely, but 
honourable gentlemen. What he looked for was " First, 
religious and moral principle ; secondly, gentlemanly con- 
duct ; and thirdly, intellectual ability. 11 

To-day this has the sound of a commonplace, but 
it was not so when Arnold ^conceived the idea. Rough 
and ready rules of schoolboy honour there of course were ; 
but every practical teacher knows how Curiously these 
differ in many points from the code of honour of a man 
of the world, and from the Christian ideal even more 
widely. The problem which he had to solve was not 
so much how to train the intellect, as how to trAin 
character. The teaching in English public schools before* 
Arnold's day has been rated far below its real quality. 
In turning out trained scholars Arnold never surpassed 
Samuel Butler, to mention but one name ; it may be 
doubted if he equalled him. The teaching of Rugby 
School had been well organised by Thomas James, and 
i Life, i. 74. 


was by no means so exclusively classical as has been 
asserted by some. English authors were included in 
James's scheme, and although mathematics and modern 
languages were in name extras, they were not neglected, 
but encouraged. In this department Arnold made his own 
improvements, which will be spoken of by-and-by ; but his 
main problem, as has been said, was how to train character. 
In theory two alterations were possible : one, to over- 
throw the existing system completely, and to devise a 
new; the other, to infuse new life into the existing 
system by reformation or transformation. At that 
period a great outcry was being made against public 
schools by many, and the whole system was being de- 
nounced as incapable of improvement. Public schools 
were declared to be hotbeds of vice and cruelty, and 
nothing but evil was supposed to come out of them. 
These were the blind polemics of partisans, and the 
suggestion to build up a new system was the idle talk 
of inexperience. It is no easy matter to build up new 
systems; and in a nation which clings tenaciously to 
the past, such an attempt would be doubly hazardous. 
But in the case of the public schools, it was not only 
hazardous, but impossible. The public school system 
was a genuine national growth; and nothing short of 
national disaster can uproot national institutions, unless 
they are already dying of their own inherent vice. The 
public school system was not dying, as the event made 
clear. Nothing shows Arnold's genius so clearly as his 
grasp of the fact that the system, though corrupt, had 


great possibilities. Like a skilful gardener, he did not fell 
the tree, but set his graft in it, and thus used the strength 
of the old stock to produce the fruit of the new. 

The system as he found it at Rugby was not unlike 
to the administration of a conquered state. The Head- 
master was an autocrat, dispensing punishments with no 
sparing hand. He and his colleagues alike were looked 
on as the natural enemies of boyhood, set over them 
by a mysterious dispensation of Providence to interfere 
with personal liberty and enjoyment. To these rulers 
the boys rendered a grudging obedience, which ceased 
when it ceased to be enforced. They had their own 
organisation, by which the weaker were slaves of the 
stronger; and their own code of honour, mercilessly 
strict among themselves, but lax towards their masters. 
A lie told to a schoolfellow was a very different thing 
from a lie told to the master. Differences between them- 
selves were settled by an appeal to brute force, not only 
amongst the younger, where it was natural, but amongst 
older boys already on the verge of manhood. Ideals of 
conduct were otherwise low, and intemperate indulgence 
of various kinds was not condemned by public opinion. 

Arnold seized upon this organisation among the boys as 
the mainspring of the whole system, and he used it to his 
own ends. The praepostors, as has been already said, had 
many privileges, but few duties. The privileges were by 
Arnold confirmed to the Sixth Form only, but restrained 
within limits ; and the duties changed their character com- 
pletely. The privilege of exacting obedience from fags, or 

(From a bust by Boehm, in A'ew Big School, Rugby.} 

To face page 224. 


of punishing them for a personal offence, was continued 
so long as the service demanded were not wrong or un- 
reasonable, and the punishment inflicted not unjust or 
excessive. Moreover, the boys immediately below the 
Sixth were made into a kind of intermediate class, neither 
themselves liable to be fagged, nor allowed to have fags 
of their own. But in return for this charter of privi- 
lege, the Head-master expected his head boys to see 
that the fags did not break the rules of the School, 
and to observe these rules themselves. This at one 
sweep got rid of a number of vexatious trifles, which 
previously either escaped the Master's eye, or wasted his 
time in dealing with them. Serious offences would of 
course be reported; and as the official position of the 
Sixth came to be recognised by themselves and the other 
boys, any feeling there may once have been against it 
as " sneaking "" gradually died away. It is clearly not 
the same thing when a boy tells tales of his equal, and 
when a Sixth Form boy reports one of those who are 
below him. In the one case, fear or petty malice may 
play a part, but hardly so in the other. This gift of 
responsibility developed the strength of the elder boys, 
and made them respect themselves. A grave offence 
committed by one of them would naturally not be 
reported by another; but the whole body might deal 
with it 1 (and there are ways in which boys can 

1 An instance is given in Echoes Far Off, p. 39 (Midland Educa- 
tional Company, 1897), by a member of Arnold's Sixth. See also 
Experiences of a Fag, chap. xv. 



make life very hard for each other), or might officially 
report it to the Head-master. If any such offence were 
found out by the Head-master, the first punishment was 
obvious : to reduce the offender to the ranks. This 
would at once be an open disgrace, and would be un- 
pleasant for the person concerned by taking away his 
privileges. Arnold used constantly to speak to his Sixth 
Form, explaining exactly what it was he required of 
them, praising if praise were deserved, or pointing out 
where they had fallen short. He treated the elder boys 
as gentlemen and as reasoning beings, at an age when 
their reason was beginning to develop, and their natures 
to respond to a generous trust. The result was that 
the tone of the upper boys soon grew more healthy, and 
each felt the natural delight of one who is trusted with 
responsibility and does not fail. The leaven then leavened 
the whole lump, so that gradually the best of the School 
in strength of character, intellect, and bodily power found 
themselves as it were unconsciously ranged on the side of 
orderliness and temperance. 

In dealing with the lower boys Arnold's principles 
were the same, though modified so as to suit their age 
and inexperience. Arnold believed a boy's word as he 
believed a man's ; and if he was sometimes deceived 
even then (as who is not?), yet the greater number 
of the boys were ashamed to tell him a lie. Responsi- 
bility was not given to them, but they were trained by 
his influence and words to regard the well being of 
the School as their own concern. A wise reform was 


I* % 



I I 


also carried out in the matter of punishments. Arnold 
did not in the least suffer from that false sentimenta- 
lity common in our own generation, which condemns 
all corporal punishment as degrading. There can be no 
degradation when none is felt, and ordinary boys (as 
every practical teacher will admit) feel none in corporal 
punishment. They hail it rather as far preferable to long 
and monotonous impositions; if judiciously and calmly 
administered, it never leaves a grudge behind, as imposi- 
tions often do. But exceptional boys do sometimes feel 
degraded by this kind of punishment, and Arnold put 
it in the power of all such to escape it altogether. This 
he did by restricting the punishment of flogging to grave 
moral offences, such as lying, and to persistent idleness or 
wilful disobedience, which are equally fatal to all govern- 
ment. For more venial offences, such as every healthy 
schoolboy must commit at times, milder punishments 
were ordained, such as caning or extra tasks. 1 Of course, 
any persistence in smaller faults, carelessness or unpunc- 
tuality, or neglect, not wilful, of work and orders, would 
result at last in a flogging, or even in removal from the 
School. Such boys, whether young or old, as either could 
not or would not conform to the rules of the School, got 
no good from it themselves, and only demoralised the 

1 Arnold wished at one time to introduce the punishment of solitary 
confinement for certain offences, and applied to the Trustees for leave 
to build rooms for the purpose. This kind of punishment is used in 
France and Germany, but we cannot but be thankful that the Trustees 
refused to allow it to be tried in an English public school. (Order of 
October 25, 1831.) 


others. In these cases Arnold would request that the 
boy should be removed, but he was careful to attach 
no disgrace to the proceeding. They were boys who 
would do better with a private tutor, and were not suited 
to a public school : that was all. For the Sixth Form, 
flogging was no longer used, because it was not needed. 
Under Arnold"^ system no boy was likely ever to reach 
the Sixth Form who would be guilty of grosser faults 
or was a lover of anarchy. If any such did reach it, 
they would be kept within bounds by public opinion; 
or if finally he proved unworthy of trust, he would 
have to go. 

Such was the new plan, simple enough in its essence ; 
but its genius lies in its very simplicity. Any one can 
balance an egg on end when he is shown how to do it. 
To carry out the plan was not so simple ; that needed the 
whole force of an exceptionally strong will. The School 
had first to be purged, and in doing this Arnold had to 
face great opposition from the boys themselves and from 
the outside world. At the beginning he was met by a 
storm of opposition which would have shaken a weaker 
man. He was accused of folly in entrusting boys with 
disciplinary power, and of undue severity in punishment, 
of lax views on religious subjects, and of political un- 
soundness. Yet he was really limiting the elder boys 1 
disciplinary power, and softening the rigour of punish- 
ment ; his religious convictions were part of his life, and 
his eager desire for reform only part of a whole-hearted 
devotion to law and order. In due time the storm 


abated : the boys saw the wisdom of his enactments, 
and worked with him to the same end ; the world re- 
cognised that a new power had arisen, and public opinion 
was far stronger in his favour than it had ever been 
against him. "Always expect to succeed," was his 
motto, "and never think you have succeeded." Arnold 
expected to succeed, and he did succeed. 

Arnold's intercourse with the lower boys was of neces- 
sity less close. He gained an insight into the characters 
of many by the institution of periodical reports, which 
were sent to the parents ; and though the chief impres- 
sion made on most of them was an extreme fear, they 
always found him ready to listen to them with the 
gentlest sympathy. With their work he had little to 
do beyond organising it. He used to take all the forms 
in turn for an occasional lesson : this practice has been 
claimed as of his own originating, but wrongly, for it 
was instituted by James. Arnold, however, extended the 
yearly examinations to include the whole School, and 
used the same means at other times to test and to improve 
its efficiency. Otherwise he left the work of the lower 
forms to his assistants, whom he soon fired with his 
own spirit. 

All the principles which Arnold instilled into his staff 
and his Sixth Form, and diffused through the School by 
his influence, were enforced by his sermons in the school 
chapel. The services had hitherto been conducted by 
a chaplain, and at Arnold's coming the chaplain was 
Charles Alleyne Anstey. In 1831 the chaplain resigned. 

(" Memorials of Rugby "} 

To face page 230. 


Arnold now saw an opportunity of making his influ- 
ence tell yet more strongly upon the School, and at once 
applied for the vacant post. The Trustees gladly acceded 
to his request, 1 and from that time Arnold preached to 
the School almost every Sunday of the school year. 
These sermons were vastly different from those usually 
preached at that time, or indeed even now. They were 
a mirror of the man : plain, forcible, and direct, wholly 
free from cant, full of the knowledge of a boy's mind and 
its limitations, and directed to practical ends. They 
were, and still remain, models of what a school sermon 
should be. The discourses were listened to with real 
attention, being usually within the comprehension of the 
young, and yet appealing to the more mature intellect. 
He did not try to force boys' minds to heights of spiri- 
tuality of which boys are not capable ; but by his own fiery 
earnestness he implanted in them those Christian prin- 
ciples of conduct which were his own guides. His earnest- 
ness made them earnest, and his reverence made them 
reverent. He taught them to love all things that are 
lovely and of good report, to despise what is mean or 
base. Thus did he carry out his idea of a system of 
Christian education. 

In the routine of teaching, Arnold made few changes. 
The excellent system devised by Thomas James was kept 
in its main features, the chief improvement being that 

1 Order of Oct. 25, 1831. He wished to receive no salary, but the 
Trustees insisted he should accept it, however he might see fit to use 
the money. 


mathematics and modern languages, hitherto regarded 
as extra, were incorporated in the regular scheme. A 
new importance was given to the study of English, and 
to history, geography, and. kindred subjects. English 
was, as we have seen, not unknown in James's original 
plan, and Arnold himself does not seem to have done 
much by way of making it a school subject. It is very 
difficult, as he saw, to make boys study books written in 
their own language with the same concentration of mind 
which is necessary for a language like Latin or Greek. 
But he encouraged reading and thought in every possible 
way. His pieces for translation were chosen for their 
own worth, out of the best authors ; themes were set 
which encouraged boys to read standard books; and in 
every way, direct or indirect, the boys were sent to 
good models, and shown how to use them. Under 
James there had been a regular cycle of history, al- 
though the introduction of this also has been claimed 
for Arnold ; but Arnold certainly made this study most 
interesting by his stores of apt knowledge and his vivid 
manner of description. The combination of geography 
with history, then a new idea, although since become a 
commonplace, assisted both memory and intelligence. 
He was the first among schoolmasters to draw practical 
lessons out of the politics and philosophy of the past. 
Throughout all his teaching the same energy and life was 
seen, and he taught his pupils the love of learning and 
the way to learn. Deep were the impressions produced 
upon the most dissimilar natures. He became the hero 



not only of a refined and scholarly boy like Arthur 
Penrhyn Stanley, but of the more robust and practical 
Thomas Hughes. 

It is now time to turn to. the history of the School 
during Arnold's mastership. With a Head-master so 

(From a drawing by A. A. Clarence.) 

devoted to literary studies, it was most appropriate 
that the library was at length worthily housed. It had 
previously been kept in a barn by the Dunchurch Road ; 
but in 1829 the tower chamber was built over the front 
gate, and the books removed thither. Around this room 
they were ranged from floor to ceiling, a gallery giving 


access to the upper shelves. Here it was Arnold's wont 
to teach the Sixth Form, " sitting," as he writes, " in that 
undignified kitchen chair, at that little table, a just pro- 
portional to the tables of the Sixth themselves.'" When 
in 1875 new desks were substituted for these tables of the 
Sixth, the tops of the tables, scored with innumerable 
names, were fixed along the walls, there to remain as 
a memorial for ever. No other building was done 
during Arnold's mastership. But Arnold did something 
to beautify the chapel. His eye was offended by the 
flat ceiling, and he made great efforts to get rid of his 
" old enemy,' 1 as he calls it. In this he was not success- 
ful ; but he was most fortunate in securing some old 
stained glass for the windows. By a lucky chance the 
church of Aershot, near Louvain, was in need of funds for 
a restoration, and to get money, sold some of its stained 
glass. One of its windows, dating from the fifteenth 
century, was purchased for the school chapel, and placed 
there in 1834 : l this is the east window, representing 
the Adoration of the Magi. Another ancient window 
represents the Presentation in the Temple. It was made 
in the fourteenth century, and was brought from Rouen. 
A third depicts a scene which has been differently inter- 
preted by different persons. It is inscribed as though 
the scene meant were the appearance of Christ to Mary 
Magdalene, but the inscription has no authority ; it was 
added when the window was placed in the chapel. The 

1 See Bloxam, Rugby, p. 98 ; Boole of Ruyby School, p. 77. Two other 
windows from the same church went to Wadham College, Oxford. 



(From an etching by E.J. Burrow.} 

To face page 234. 


scene is believed really to be Christ's appearance to His 
mother. 1 This window, of the fifteenth century, was put 
up in 1836. An old German window representing Christ 
before Pilate was given in 1840 by the old Rugbeians at 
the two universities. One of the masters presented for 
the altar a pair of seventeenth-century candlesticks made 
of bronze gilt. Arnold was especially interested in these 
things, because the Rugby chapel lacked the associations 
of antiquity. 

Arnold felt it to be important that he should not be 
hampered for lack of funds, and this led to another 
change. His election was to date from July 1828, 2 but a 
few months previously 3 two resolutions were passed which 
were probably due to his suggestion. He had already 
expressed a strong opinion that the school fees were too 
low, and by these orders the charge for board was in- 
creased to fifty guineas (to include washing, single beds, 
and other things hitherto considered as extra), while the 
capitation fee for Foundationers was increased from five 
to twelve guineas. Half of this sum was for the Head- 
master, and the other half was his to divide amongst his 
assistants as he should think proper. 4 Private tuition was 
made optional for non-Foundationers as well as Founda- 
tioners, and the school fee for the former class was fixed 
at twelve guineas, to be divided as above. 

One important reform still remains to be mentioned. 
As it was Arnold's aim to get the training of the boys 

1 Boole of Rugby School, p. 86. 2 Order of Dec. 10, 1827. 

3 Orders of April 11, 1828. 4 Order of July 8, 1828. 


into his hands completely, it was obvious that the system 
of dames 1 houses must be put an end to. In this, as in 
other things, Arnold showed a wise restraint. He did 
not try to abolish the whole system at once, any more 
than he tried to abolish the public school system; but 
he resolved that no more dames' houses should be allowed, 
and as each fell vacant for whatever reason, he transferred 
the house to one of his assistants. The Head-master's 
relations with his staff also underwent a change. By the 
increase of their emoluments which has been mentioned, 
and by their appointment as boarding-house masters, he 
had so improved their position that he could now fairly 
assert a right to their whole time. The assistants were 
no longer allowed to take curacies along with the school 
work, and their services were claimed on Sundays as on 
week-clays, if necessary. 1 This clearly excited some op- 
position at first, since the Trustees found it necessary to 
pass a resolution on the subject. But it was not long 
before Arnold got his men in hand. He had differences 
with some of them, in which indolence or a dislike of 
change was confronted with his unyielding temper; but 
the victory lay with him, and the objector had either 
to submit or to go. 2 Those who submitted, and those 
whom Arnold himself appointed, soon recognised that 
he was in the right. They answered as a spirited 
horse to the rein ; and their reluctance once overcome, 
all threw themselves into their work with an enthu- 
siasm like their leader's own. Arnold gave his staff 
1 Order of Aug. 24, 1829. 2 Order of July 9, 1833. 


a voice in the school management, holding a masters'* 
meeting every three or four weeks, in which all manner 
of things were discussed and voted upon. He had his 
reward. No more is heard of reluctance to do duty on 
Sundays or any other day ; and in a year or two we find 
the whole staff contributing to pay the salary of an extra 
master. 1 Many of his predecessors had paid considerable 
sums out of their own pockets towards the salaries of 
assistants, and Arnold did the same ; 2 but this is the first 
example of a general self-denying ordinance, and it implies 
a real devotion of all alike to the interests of the School. 

It has been mentioned that Arnold was resolved to 
get rid of all corrupting elements in the School. As this 
might mean the expulsion of a considerable number of 
boys at once, the Head -master might possibly be brought 
into collision with the Trustees. It is a habit of 
governing bodies to suppose that the prosperity of a 
school is in direct ratio to its numbers; and if the 
numbers fall of, they are apt to find fault, or even to 
interfere. There was at one time a part of the Trustees 
who wished to have Arnold removed, possibly because 
he firmly carried out his principle of purging. The 
opposition failed, and perhaps in order to make any 
recurrence of it unlikely, Arnold persuaded the Trustees 
to limit the number of non-Foundationers in the School 
to 260. 3 There were so many applicants for entering 

1 Order of Oct. 25, 1831. 

2 See Order of July 6, 1830, for example. 

3 Order of July 6, 1830. 


the School that he could make fairly sure of keeping 
up this number without difficulty ; and if it were neces- 
sary to remove a few boys, their places would at once 
be filled. Whatever friction there was between the 
Trustees and the Head-master very soon ceased, and the 
Trustees loyally took his part when he was assailed by 
outside attacks. On one or two occasions when his 
conduct was called in question, special resolutions were 
passed declaring full confidence in him, and confirming 
all he had done. 1 

We must not forget to record an event which was 
long remembered by Rugby boys with joy and gratitude, 
because it gained them a week's holiday. This was the 
visit of the Queen Dowager, wife of William IV., on Oct. 
29, 1839. Arnold came round the day before to announce 
the intended visit, and hinted delicately that the boys 
need not be dressed " as they might be in dirty and rainy 
weather." Let the scene be described by an eye-witness : 2 

Accordingly, the next day in brilliant apparel we were 
arranged in rows in the quadrangle, one beginning with the 
Sixth diagonally, along the pavement, and the others round 

1 e.g. Order of March 23, 1836 : "We, the undersigned Trustees of 
Kugby School, assembled at an especial meeting, are glad to have an 
opportunity of expressing our entire satisfaction with Dr. Arnold's 
management of the School. Many of the young men who have pro- 
ceeded to the universities from Kugby School have distinguished them- 
selves, and done honour to Dr. Arnold's system of education ; and we 
believe that the discipline of the School has been conducted upon most 
humane and liberal principles, and on this conviction we continue to 
repose entire confidence in Dr. Arnold." See also Order of Dec. 11, 
1838. 2 See New Rugleian, ii. 148. 


it. In due time her Majesty emerged from the side door 
into the cloisters from the Schoolhouse, which had been laid 
down with crimson cloth ; behind followed Earls Howe and 
Denbigh, and divers other great personages. Leaning on 
Dr. Arnold's arm, her Majesty walked out at once into the 
open quadrangle, cutting off the corner in which is the 
Schoolhouse Hall, and made boldly for the chapel, amid 
shouts shrill and hearty such as boys alone can throw out. 
While our distinguished visitor was inspecting the chapel, 
which then had only two painted windows, the east one 
with the legend " apparuit primo M. Magdalenae," we 
were with difficulty retained in the quad, and at length 
like a mountain torrent were let loose into the Close. 
Her Majesty proceeded completely round the Close on the 
gravel walk, and expressed a desire to see us play foot- 
ball. A fearful thing for thin boots, swell trowsers, and a 
treacherous November soil ! these are thoughts suggested, 
perhaps, by later years there was no hesitation then. Only 
when we had hanged up our waistcoats and coats on the 
palings by the tump at Little Side, we presented anything 
but our usual martial appearance arrayed in white trowsers, 
belts, and velvet caps : we looked, in fact, more like a mob 
of cockneys on what might be their first introduction to the 
game. Play, however, we did in a way ; we can't say it was 
a very scientific performance. Her Majesty seemed most 
impressed when the ball went up with a tremendous punt 
into the air, or half traversed the Close in a drop. However, 
there was, as might be expected, not much spirit in the game ; 
and by the time the Queen had reached half-way between 
the island and the doctor's garden wall, we began again to 
mob about her and cheer her, and so yelling and shouting 
"domum deduximus," to the Schoolhouse again. It is un- 
necessary to add that we did not do all this for nothing : a 


week's extra holiday followed as a matter of course, and 
" Regina Rugbeiam invisens " brought forth countless Latin 
verses of all metres in the different forms, to the tune of 

" Vidit et magnas stupefacta turres 
Tectaque vasta." 

I excuse the Sixth from this poetical outburst : from their 
serene temples no notice was in this way taken of the event. 

Among Arnold's pupils were many who achieved a name 
for themselves in after life. Two names at once will occur 
to every reader, Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, 1 his biographer, 
and Thomas Hughes. 2 It is generally supposed that 
Arthur in Tom Browii's School Days was drawn from 
Stanley, and the author has admitted that this is sub- 
stantially true. 3 A man of more distinguished genius 
than either, though less generally known, was the poet 
Arthur Hugh Clough. 4 Charles John Vaughan, perhaps 
the most finished scholar among the pupils of Arnold, 
was Craven scholar, senior classic, Fellow of Trinity Col- 
lege, Cambridge, and Head-master of Harrow. He is said 
to have been offered the highest position in the Church, 
and to have declined it. His last years were spent as 
Master of the Temple, where Sunday after Sunday his 
sermons used to attract an audience of able and thoughtful 
men. But there were several other scholars of eminence 
at Rugby during Arnold's mastership. Professor Coning- 
ton, 5 of Oxford ; Professor Hort, 6 of Cambridge ; Professor 

1 Entered 1829. 2 Entered 1834. 

3 See a letter in the Spectator, Nov. 13, 1897. 

4 Entered 1829. 6 Entered 1838. 6 Entered 1841. 


J. B. Mayor, 1 of King's College, London ; Dean Bradley, 1 
for many years Master of Marlborough; Edward Henry 
Bradby 3 (afterwards Head-master of Haileybury), a name 
familiar to generations of Rugbeians : these are but a few 
among many. Arnold's power descended in various forms 
on his own children, of whom two are specially interesting 
to Rugby. William Delafield Arnold, 4 after serving in 
the Bengal Native Infantry, was appointed Director- 
General of Public Education in the Punjaub. He was 
the author of a variety of books and articles, among them 
the " Sixth Match," which describes better than the Old 
Boy himself the excitement of the mimic fray. Matthew 
Arnold, 5 as poet and as critic, holds an honourable place 
in English literature, and as the apostle of " culture, 1 ' was 
once a marked figure in English society. His fame as 
a poet will probably grow rather than decrease with the 
lapse of time. The list of university honours won by 
the School includes four Ireland scholarships, two Hert- 
fords, and two Cravens, besides several minor university 
scholarships. Rugby had two senior classics at Cam- 
bridge, four Chancellor's classical medallists, five Browne's 
medallists, two Porson prizemen, and eight Members' prize- 
men. The Chancellor's medal for English verse was won 
twice, the Newdigate three times, the Latin verse prize 
thrice, the English essay thrice, and the Latin essay 
five times. 

Arnold may well have been proud of these honours 

i Entered 1841. 2 Entered 1837. 3 Entered 1839. 

4 Entered 1839. 5 Entered 1837. 



but he would have been still prouder had he lived to see 
Lord Cross l become Home Secretary, Lord Derby 2 Secre- 
tary of State for the Colonies, for India, and for Foreign 
Affairs, Sir Richard Temple 3 play many parts with dis- 
tinguished success, and William Henry Waddington 4 
return to this country as Ambassador of France. How 
it would have interested him to see three Rugbeians 
conducting the official intercourse of two great nations : 5 
Lord Derby as Foreign Secretary for England, Wadding- 
ton Foreign Secretary for France, and F. O. Adams Chief 
Secretary to the British Embassy in Paris. 

In India and in the Crimea many who were boys under 
Arnold fought and fell ; and one has gained a name which 
Englishmen will not willingly forget. Hodson, 6 of Hodson's 
Horse, was noted at school for deeds of daring and feats 
of speed. In 1845 he landed in India, and in the same 
year fought at Moodkee, when his schoolfellow Octavius 
Carey 7 was killed. He was present at Ferozeshah and 
Sobraon and other battles, and soon gained a great repu- 
tation for dash and courage, being twice honourably 
mentioned in despatches. But his fame is bound up with 
the body of irregular horse which he raised during the 
Mutiny. No account of the siege of Delhi fails to speak 
of Hodson's Horse on nearly every page. His crowning 
feat was the capture of the King of Delhi and of the three 
remaining princes of the Mogul dynasty. He had only a 

1 Entered 1837. 2 Entered 1840. 3 Entered 1839. 

4 Entered 1841. 5 In 1877 ; Register, p. 227. 

6 Entered 1837. See Records, p. 86. 7 Entered 1835. 


company of sepoys to protect the prisoners ; and as on the 
last occasion when he was escorting the three princes away, 
a rescue seemed to be imminent, Hodson shot them all 
three with his own hand. He fell in 1858 at the storm 
of Lucknow. No other old Rugbeian of this epoch is 
so picturesque a figure as Hodson ; but many rendered 
services to their country no less valuable than his. Henry 
Andrew Sorrel 1 was at one time Hodson's fag; they 
were at Cambridge together, and both pulled in the 
Trinity boat. Sorrel was present at Chillianwallah and 
Gujerat, and commanded a body of cavalry under John 
Nicholson. He afterwards took part in a number of other 
actions, and was mentioned in despatches no less than 
fourteen times. In the navy was Sir John Charles Dal- 
rymple Hay, 2 whose Log-book has lately put forth leaves. 
He served with conspicuous success in China, and after- 
wards in the Crimea, and was Fellow of the Royal Society. 
In the same service was Henry Can* Glyn, 8 who (like any 
other jack-tar) was equally at home as a lieutenant on 
board ship, as staff-officer on shore, or engineering a bridge 
over the Danube. 

Three names are now to be mentioned of those whose 
distinction was of a kind especially pleasing to Arnold. 
Henry Watson Fox 4 became a missionary to South India, 
and died quite young in the midst of his labours. After 
his death a fund was raised to support a master in one of 
the Indian schools, which was deemed a fitting way to 

1 Entered 1839. 2 Entered 1833. 

3 Entered 1842. 4 Entered 1831. 


perpetuate his memory. A " Fox sermon " is preached 
once a year at the School, and the collection then taken 
is devoted to the same purpose. Spencer Thornton l was 
a boy of no remarkable ability, but of remarkable force 
of character, who had a deep influence in the School. 
Straightforward, manly, upright, and honest to the core, 
he won the respect of all, even those who were repelled by 
his somewhat narrow religious views. " Your son," wrote 
Arnold at the time he left, " has done good to the School 
to an extent that cannot be calculated. 11 The last is one 
whose name does not appear in the Register, for he had 
scarcely entered the School when his young life was cut 
short. John Walker 2 was sixteen years old when he was 
drowned in saving the life of a schoolfellow. His name finds 
a place on the chapel walls by the side of those who fell 
in their country^ wars, and no less deserves honour than 
the winners of a Victoria Cross : ipse vitam vita redemit. 

These were some of the fruits of Arnold^ fourteen 
years ; tended and brought to ripeness with what strenu- 
ous labour, and what struggles against opposition and 
stupidity, no man can know but he. It might well have 
seemed that he was intended for a sphere of usefulness 
yet wider, and that he might have had an opportunity of 
attempting the " great work " of which he dreamed : to 
infuse new life into the Church as he had done into the 
public schools, and to bring England nearer to that ideal 
state where State and Church should be truly one. But it 
was not to be. In the midst of his labours, in the prime 
1 Entered 1829. 2 Entered 1841. 


of health and strength, Arnold died. The last school 
day in the summer half of 1842 was over, and Arnold 
retired to rest, apparently in the best of spirits ; by eight 
o'clock on the next morning he was dead. 

The sudden death of Arnold, such a " death unfore- 
seen " as Julius Caesar desired, filled all Rugby with con- 
sternation and bewilderment. There was nothing now 
left but to show all honour to the strong man who had 
run his race. The Trustees held a special meeting, and 
sensible " of the great loss which the School has sustained 
in the death of a Master who has raised Its character to 
the highest pitch," ordered that the chapel should be 
hung with black on the day of his funeral. 1 On the 
Friday following, exactly one week after the last speeches 
where he presided, the funeral service was performed in the 
chapel, and the Head-master's body was buried beneath 
the communion-table. When the chapel was afterwards 
enlarged, a cross was set in the floor over this spot ; and 
this forms the goal of many a stranger from foreign 
shores, who comes to see the last resting-place of a great 


O strong soul, by what shore 
Tarriest thou now ? For that force 
Surely has not been left vain ! 
Somewhere, surely, afar 
In the sounding labour-house vast 
Of being, is practised that strength, 
Zealous, beneficent, firm. 

1 Order of June 15, 1842. A picture in Rugby School Museum 
represents the interior of the chapel on this day. 


Quicquid agunt pueri 

THE new life which Arnold infused into the School quick- 
ened not only its moral but its intellectual part. One 
outcome of this was the first Rugby Debating Society, 
founded in 1833. 1 The meetings were held in the Fifth 
Form Room. This not only gave the boys opportunity 
to learn how to express their thoughts, but taught them 
the necessity for order and decent procedure. The effect 
was seen in the Sixth Form Levee. The meetings, even 
of this august assemblage, had been hitherto attended 
with much discomfort. All the boys clustered together 
in the middle of the room, and all talked at once ; " he 
only," writes one of them plaintively, " he only who was 
of tall stature and loud voice had the pre-eminence." 
But with the birth of a Debating Society a new spirit 
of order appeared : fy ofiov iravra xprjfjbara, 1/01)9 Se avra 
Siaicpivas SiKoa-fjLr)crev. The infant Debating Society had 
to face rough winds, and soon perished ; but another 
arose like a phoenix out of its grave, and in time, as we 
shall see, it became firmly established. Another sign 

1 Rugby Magazine, ii. 11, 14. 


of intellectual activity is the first Rugby Magazine ^ 
with which A. H. Clough had a great deal to do. The 
papers in this periodical are surprisingly good. If the 
style is somewhat formal, it never condescends to smart- 
ness or flippancy, and is much superior to the magazines 
which people now so greedily buy. There is a great 
quantity of poetry in these early volumes, written in 
imitation of Coleridge, Wordsworth, Byron, or some 
other reigning favourite; and this poetry, though it 
lacks imagination, is carefully composed, and correct in 
workmanship. In the prose, however, there is a good 
deal of imagination, and a great variety of subjects are 
treated. Sometimes the subject is a literary criticism; 
or, it may be, a scene from ancient history is dramatised, 
such as the " Departure of Crassus for the East," or 
" Two Days in Athens Two Thousand Years ago." These 
dramatic dialogues were a favourite form of composition, 
and one at least is of considerable merit, "A Walk to 
Bilton Hall in 1706." Here the characters are Henry 
Holyoake and his distinguished pupil, Cave. The Greek 
War of Independence had but lately ended, and this 
finds its echo in a "Conversation between Byron and 
Kolokotroni." Other writers turn their attention to the 
daily life of the School, and we have sundry " Sketches 
of School Character." In one of these sketches the society 
of a school is compared to men "just emerging from 
barbarism," one of Arnold's favourite ideas, though less 
gently put than he put it. How pleased Arnold must 
1 Vol. i. 1835 ; vol. ii. 1836 : no more, See also the Leaflet, ii. 59. 


have been to see these evidences of quickening life, we 
may readily imagine. " Promise, not performance," was 
what he looked for in boys, and in these pages is abund- 
ant promise. 

There is unfortunately less in the Magazine than we 
could wish about the daily life of the schoolboy. A few 
names appear, however, which have since grown familiar, 
such as Aganippe (near Holbrook Copse), or Swifts. 
Though the old "Pig and Whistle" still plied to Oxford, 
and the " University Drag " to Cambridge, changes were 
passing over both school and town. Rugby town appears 
to be just emerging out of the dark ages, and the poet 
celebrates the innovation in the following lines : l 

Three public charities the mind engage, 

Houses of alms for indigent old age. 

For malefactors one small cell is found 

Small, but commodious ; roomy, altho' round. 

Three great improvements have been lately made. 

New flagstones yield a pleasant promenade ; 

And lamps in safety see the travellers pass, 

At present lit with oil instead of gas. 

The public officers were lately two, 

A crier and constable alone they knew ; 

Now, in addition, through the town there stamps 

Another gentleman, who lights the lamps. 

The " School Patriarch," as in duty bound, laments the 
good old times, "ere the Bilton Road was built on," 
when " composition Tutors were happily unknown." He 

1 See Rugby Magazine, ii. 213. 


sighs for the day " when the Island was an island," and 
for the stern Spartan simplicity of ancient times. 

In the days when twenty fellows drank out of one large mug, 

And pewter were the dishes, and a tin can was the jug ; 

In the days when shoes and boots were three times a week 

And we sat on stools, not sofas, there were giants in the land ! 

When new boys on the pump were set to pelt at and to sing, 
Or sent from the Close to Pendred's for a pennyworth of string ; 
In the days when fags a long hour in the passage had to stand, 
In the days of happy night! fags, there were giants in the 

When Sixth and Fifth-form fellows had all been duly "chaired," 
And he who told a falsehood was e ( cobbed " and never spared ; 
And we walked around the School-field with our breakfast in our 

Ere the days of tea and coffee, there were giants in the land ! l 

These are only glimpses at best ; but the Rugby of 
Arnold lives again in the pages of Tom Browtfs School 
Days. Be it football, or be it a Big Side run, with a 
finish at the " Cock," and "good ale going," life in school 
or life in the house, no such story of schoolboy life has 
ever been written. To recall the pea-shootings and the 
birds'-nestings, the fights and bullyings, Martin's menagerie 
and the wrath of Velveteens, were but to re-tell a twice- 
told tale. Others besides the "Old Boy" have left on 
record their "Recollections" or their "Experiences." 2 

1 Rugby Magazine, ii. 389. 

2 Recollections of Rugby, by an Old Rugbeian ; School Experiences of 
a Fag, by G. Melly. 


With these we may go trolling in the ponds by the 
Dunchurch Road, or go fishing to Brownsover or Law- 
ford, or leaping over Lawford brook, or lounging in the 
Spinney ; we may learn swimming at Sleath's Hole, " the 
sheepwash," or take part in the internecine strife of the 
houses for the best place at Swifts. 

The Rugby fishermen of this date were true sports- 
men, scorning the net, and trusting only to rod and line. 
They were economical in their tackle, rarely spending more 
than four or five shillings on a rod which might be con- 
fiscated any day by some irate gamekeeper. The steady 
bottom -fisherman preferred the water near Caldecotfs 
spinney, which was full of deep holes suited to his 
particular branch of the art. But the finest fish and 
the most plentiful were to be had in the first quarter of 
a mile above Rugby mill. Here many a jack or perch 
was landed with one of old Pendred^s stout rods. Good 
sport might be had below Brownsover mill by those 
fishermen who knew their business. This water has 
sacred associations for the angler : if tradition speaks 
true, Izaak Walton himself has whipped it many a 
time. Occasionally a few mischievous urchins would seek 
more exciting sport in a duck -hunt. Hooks are baited 
with bread and thrown into a farmyard, and soon 
the farmer's wife beholds with amazement how her 
ducks, as though demented, run flapping their wings 
up a perpendicular stone wall and disappear over the 

What an event was the Fifth of November in those 


days ! For days beforehand the " Town " was astir pre- 
paring the great bonfire. Tar-barrels, loads of straw and 
dry brambles, logs and lumps of wood were heaped in 
a mighty pile midmost the market-place, to be lighted at 
eight o'clock on the eventful evening. But eight o'clock 
would be too late for the boys to see it, and every 
year a great fight used to take place, the School striving 
to kindle the blaze before locking-up, and the Town to 
prevent it. So in the boys' studies might be seen as 
much bustle and business as in the town. Carpet brushes 
were soaked in rosin or turpentine, and long sticks got 
ready, each with a thousand lucifers fastened at one end. 
At a shop near the scene of action was stored a reserve 
of combustibles, to be used when the great attack is made. 
The day arrives ; the hour of five is struck ; the School 
assembles, and away to the market-place in a mass. A 
champion is chosen of stout thews and sinews, to carry 
a torch, and around him are wedged a strong body- 
guard of the best fighting-men in the School. The Town 
are drawn up around their pile, resolved to defend it to 
the death. A first attack is made, and beaten off. 
Nothing daunted, the boys charge again, and this time 
break through the cordon of defenders. The torch is 
applied, but no flame follows ; all this side of the heap 
has been drenched with water. There is nothing for it 
but to tear it down and penetrate to the middle. Now 
doughty deeds are done ; sticks and bricks fall thick on 
the heroes, and many a cracked crown will keep this 
night's memory fresh. But at last it is done : the dry 


is reached, the torch is applied ; the boys open a passage 
between two strong lines, and through it pass relays of 
bearers, with rockets and crackers, and the brushes and 
match-sticks that have been preparing so long. A 
moment more, and the blaze rises sky-high: the town 
bonfire is lighted. 

" Singing in Hall " was a terrible ordeal for the new- 
comer. The house assembled, new boys were mounted 
in turn upon a table, with a candle in each hand, and 
told to sing a song. If the trembling wretch made a 
false note, a violent hiss followed; and all through the 
performance pellets and crusts of bread were thrown at 
the boy or his candles, often knocking the candles out of 
his hands and covering him with tallow. The singing 
over, the new boy had to descend and pledge the house 
in a bumper of salt and water stirred with a tallow 
candle. He was now free of the house, and retired to 
his room feeling very uncomfortable. On the night after 
the " new boys'* night " there was chorus singing, in which 
solos and quartets of all sorts were sung, especially old 
Rugby favourites, such as 

It's my delight on a shiny night 
In the season of the year. 

The proceedings wound up in loyal fashion with "God 
Save the Queen." 

One who was for some years a fag, yet never rose to 
the proud position of fagging others, has written a volume 


in praise of the institution. 1 In 1830, when this writer 
entered Rugby, there was still a good deal of illegal 
fagging by big boys not in the Sixth; but this could 
be only in secret, and the fag, if he chose to resist by 
force, would have been supported by public opinion. 
There was school fagging and house fagging. The 
former consisted chiefly of fielding out, scoring, or stand- 
ing umpire at cricket; and any of the Sixth had the 
right to call out any fag for this purpose. If a Sixth 
Form boy wanted a fag, all he had to do was to stand 
at the door at calling-over and make his choice out of 
the three hundred fags or more. If a fag did well, he 
was soon set free for the rest of the day; and, on the 
whole, the system can have proved a hardship only to 
lazy boys, who ought to be made to endure hardships. 
In the winter, there was football fagging ; that is to say, 
at a match every " no-cap " was obliged to stand behind 
the goals. 

House fagging included a variety of duties, some 
which usually fall to a housemaid, and others are pecu- 
liar. No sooner was the fag awake than with the sun he 
must his daily round of duty run. First of all, the fags 
in each dormitory must take it in turns to awake the rest, 
and the fag of the week was responsible for getting the 
rest out of bed by half -past six. This was done by 
blows applied to various portions of the frame, by pulling 
off all the bed-clothes, or by dabbing a wet sponge on 

1 School Experiences of a Fag. 


the face. It was a dangerous duty, and was carried out 
amidst a hail of pillows, boots, brushes, even water-jugs. 
First lesson over, the breakfast fag had to go down town 
and purchase viands for any little party that his master 
might be giving. When he got back he must cook it ; 
and as for his own, he might go without, unless a kindly 
chum stepped in to the rescue. Bread and butter could 
be got from the buttery, but nothing more in the way 
of eatables except the scanty allowance of a quarter of a 
pound of tea and a pound of sugar per week. The next 
thing was, to tidy his master's study : cups and glasses to 
be cleaned, books to be put straight, bats hung up, flowers 
watered, the whole place dusted as never maid dusted 
room. At tea, half-a-dozen fags were sent down into Hall 
to toast large rounds of bread, two for each praepostor, 
before a burning fiery furnace. To make matters worse, 
toasting-forks were never allowed. This done, the fag 
was free for the night, unless he should be chosen to stand 
by one of the fireplaces in the corridor, to answer the call 
of any praepostor who wanted his supper. A weird tale 
is told of one trembling urchin who sat there once in the 
dark, and suddenly beheld a tall figure in white, with 
clanking chains, which approached to the accompaniment 
of a bright blue light, and distributed bread and cheese 
and beer at the praepostorial studies. 

One of the envied privileges of the Sixth was the use 
of the Island, until a " proud prelate drained the time- 
honoured moat." The Island was at that time surrounded 
by a moat, which was spanned by a wooden drawbridge ; 


across this was a gate with spikes at the top. It would 
appear that in the last century, part of the ground on the 
Barby Road, opposite the Close, was divided up into allot- 
ments for the Sixth, where they grew radishes or cress, 
and flowers. These acres were of course tilled by the 
fags on the corvee system. The flowers were used for 
decorations on Speech Day. When this ground was used 
for building houses, the Island was allotted to the Sixth 
instead, and each had his own little plot of the sacred 
soil. Towards Easter, when Big Side leaping and runs 
were over for the season, arrangements were made for till- 
ing these plots by Island fagging. 1 After calling-over, 
the fags were driven out into the Close, and then formed 
in a long line, the bigger boys towards the Head-master's 
wall, and the little ones on the extreme right. Two of 
the Sixth posted themselves by the bridge as judges, and 
at a given signal the whole line set off full tilt. The six 
fags who got first to the bridge were excused, and strolled 
off triumphant. Now came the second act jumping the 
moat. The first six who volunteered for this forlorn hope 
were also excused, but they generally earned it by actually 
trying the jump, and getting wet up to the waist. Any 
one else who could really take the almost impossible jump 
would be excused also ; but there were only two places 
where it could be done, and very few could do it even 
there. And now to work : five or six fags were told off' 
to each plot, and ordered to dig. The fags were now 
like the Israelites of old, when driven by Pharaoh's 

I, No. 1. 


taskmasters ; for there was hardly any soil to dig, and 

no tools to dig with. Knives, spikes, sharpened stakes, 

broken fives-bats anything and everything was brought 

into requisition, and the labourers scratched away with 

vigour, until their masters got tired of watching. This 

lasted all the afternoon until a quarter of an hour before 

calling-over, on each half-holiday till the week before 

Easter. By this time the beds were supposed to be 

ready for planting, and each plot was to be surrounded 

with turf. The turf was procured by " turf-cart fagging.' 1 

A light lorry was brought round to the gates, and those 

of the Sixth who wanted a ride got in, while twenty fags 

or so were harnessed to draw it. Away went the team, 

doing their best to run away with the cart, and often 

there was a spill ere the goal was reached. Then turf 

was cut (without leave asked of anybody), and dragged 

back to School. When the Island was all neatly 

turfed, it remained to procure flowers for Speech Day. 

By ancient convention they were supposed to grow on the 

Island, but the primitive methods of cultivation were not 

favourable to flowers, as may be readily imagined. But 

the fiat went forth, " Get flowers,"" and somehow or other 

got they must be si possis, recte : si non, quo cumque 

modo, florem. By hunting in the hedges, or making 

raids on the neighbouring gardens, at length a sufficient 

quantity of primroses and violets were transplanted to 

their new home. Visitors were always taken to see the 

Island, and great was their admiration of the diligence of 

the boys in making the desert to bloom as a rose. 


The Sixth Form had to keep an eye on the fags in 
general, and punish them if they broke bounds, or in- 
dulged in smoking of clay pipes or in beer-drinking. 
Punishments varied from a short imposition to a licking. 
For minor offences there was a " study-licking " of three 
strokes ; for others, a more serious chastisement adminis- 
tered before the Sixth, or " hall-licking." A fag might 
appeal to the house, but if his appeal was not allowed, 
the punishment would be increased. For example, if a 
boy refused to take a study-licking and appealed, he 
would be awarded a hall-licking in case his appeal failed. 
When questioned, a boy's word was always taken, and it 
was a matter of honour never to deceive a praepostor. A 
boy might report anything to a praepostor that concerned 
himself, but on no account must he give information 
about others. Serious offences were carefully investi- 
gated, and then either reported to the Head-master or 
punished by a public thrashing in Hall. 

It may be interesting to add a scheme of the daily 
round, from the letters of one who was a schoolboy sixty 
years ago : 

On Mond. Wed. and Frid. I go into school at 7. When 
prayers are read we say the lesson, and come out at about 
J to eight, when I have my breakfast and prepare 2 nd lesson 
till I to 10, when we go in for 2 nd lesson, and we stay there 
till about 11-30. On Wednesdays we go into the writing 
master for Arithmetic at 12-15 till 1-15, when we come home 
(though not my home) and have dinner at 1-30. On Mond. 
and Frid. we do not go for Arith c . I devote the time till 



dinner to extra study. After dinner I prepare 3 rd lesson till 
3-30, when we go in and say it, and come out for a \ of an 
hour, and go in again and do Arith., and come out for good at 
about 5-30, when I have my tea, and walk with G. P. till 7-30, 
locking up time, have prayers at \ to 8, and then from then 
till 10, bed time, I sit down and prepare 1 st lesson for next 
day. On Tuesdays, Thursd. and Sats., which are J holidays, 
we don't [MS. "do"] go in again after 2 nd lesson, from which 
till dinner extra work, and after dinner till 3-30 I have for 
play. From 3-30 to 6 extra work, six till lock up, play, and 
in the evenings as before. As to our games here there are 
none besides cricket, football, and fives. At the first I have 
played twice, at the 3 rd never. Walking seems the chief 
thing, which I do every day with G. P., who is my favourite 
companion. 1 

I will now give you a short sketch of how I spend my 
Sundays. At 8-30 in the morning we have prayers, and after 
that breakfast, after which I learn the gospel, or that and a 
psalm for first lecture, which is at 10. At 11 I go to chapel, 
which lasts till about 12, when I walk till dinner (1) with 
G. P. After dinner I prepare 2 nd lecture, which is 3 or 4 
chapters of the Bible, till 3, when we go in to 2 nd lecture : 
2 nd chapel at 4, after which I have tea, and from tea till J 
to eight I have to myself. After prayers I prepare 1 st lesson 
for next day out of the New Test, in Greek, wh. does not 
take me long, and I have from 9 till 10 for reading. J. 
Tickell is very kind to me, and I am lucky enow to be one 
of his fags, so that no one else in the house can fag me to 
clean out his study, &c. (this has nothing to do with outdoor 
fagging, for any preposter can fag one there), and the very 

1 MS. Letter of E. H. Bradby (entered 1839), Aug. 29, 1839. For 
this extract I have to thank Mr. G. F. Bradby. 


fact of my knowing him preserves me from being bullyed. 
He is not, as I thought he would be, a bully, but, on the 
contrary, every boy likes him. 1 

Most of the boys took their breakfast and supper in 
their studies, where they had a whole batterie de cuisine, 
pots and pans and gridirons. But the great ambition 
was to be elected into "Hall," where the first twenty 
fellows in the house 2 formed a select club. At the 
beginning of each half, a ballot took place, and vacancies 
were filled up. In Hall was glory, but in the study was 
comfort, and the disappointed candidates really had the 
best of the bargain. Those charming little dens, though 
no larger than they were in Jameses day, had become 
much more luxurious. But there is a drawback to all 
human joys, and the happy owner might come in to 
find everything in the place turned wrong way up : the 
table tied to the ceiling, each chair hung on the walls 
upside down, the sofa on the top of the door, pens and 
pencils glued to the roof, every picture face downwards 
on the floor, the books on their heads, and the geraniums 
standing on their flowers. Even the inkstand would be 
turned over, but so cunningly that the ink remained in 
it. This was done by filling it quite full, and then putting 
a piece of paper over the top. It would then be carefully 
turned over and placed on a flat surface, the paper pulled 
away, and the ink would remain until the owner tried to put 
it straight again. One boy who rejoiced in the nickname 

1 MS. Letter of E. H. Bradby, Sept. 7, 1839. 

2 Price's, but the practice was probably much the same elsewhere. 


of " Hen " once found his study beautifully arranged as a 
coop. All the furniture was gone, the floor was covered 
with gravel an inch deep, and two perches were fixed 
from wall to wall ; the walls were covered with chickweed 
and groundsel, and great bits of bread stuffed in the 
bars of the window. In one corner was a huge nest 
made of straw and hay, and full of ostrich eggs ; tin cans 
of seed and basins of water stood in another; and four 
Cochin-China fowls were pecking about in great con- 
tentment. An inscription over the door informed all 
and sundry that this was " THE HEN HER NEST." Worse 
things might happen than this ; and if a boy had become 
very unpopular, there was a " smoking-out." As the boy 
sat quietly in his study, he would suddenly hear a fizz, 
and descry the end of a red-hot poker coming through 
the door. Another would follow, then a third, until the 
unpleasant odour of burning paint filled his nostrils. 
Then the pokers were pulled out, and pieces of brown 
paper, dipped in brimstone and lighted, were pushed 
through the holes, filling the place with a new variety 
of unpleasant smoke. Next, funnels and other con- 
trivances were inserted, and the smoke of burning hay 
driven through them. The proceedings were wound up 
by pouring a bucket of water down the chimney. 

When the boys went home, everything that could 
be locked was locked, and the study door nailed up. The 
town was full of horses and post-boys come to carry the 
boys off. They always started in the middle of the night 
or very early in the morning, and the evening before was 


spent in revelry. The travellers sat round a roaring fire 


(Drazvn by Miss //. M.James, from a photograph by Geo. A. Dean) 

in Hall, and made merry with sausages or veal-pie, a 
barrel of oysters, egg-flip, or anything else they could 


get. How much they got through by midnight, de- 
ponent saith not ; but we may doubt if of the fragments 
there remained more than oyster shells. 

About the school games we have hitherto found only 
the most scanty hints ; but from this period more exact 
information begins. Thanks to the energy of the Old 
Rugbeian Society, the Rugby School cricket scores l have 
been collected and printed. These begin in 1831 ; and 
although the record is not complete for the earlier years, 
it is surprising how much has survived. Besides foreign 
matches, the Eleven v. the Twenty-Two used to be played 
thus early, and other Big Side matches, such as Present v. 
Old Rugbeians, the Sixth v. the School, Schoolhouse v. 
School. The points of the compass had also a deadly 
feud, and we find East playing West, and North playing 
South. In 1840 Rugby School played against the Mary- 
lebone Club at Lord's, but were defeated. On this occa- 
sion Thomas Hughes was captain, and made 30 not out. 
Unfortunately no detailed account of any of the matches 
or games at cricket has been preserved. But with foot- 
ball the case is otherwise. Not only have we a careful 
examination into the Origin of Rugby Football? which 
we likewise owe to the Old Rugbeian Society, but three 
of the heroes of the Close have left what will ever remain 
classical descriptions of the old Rugby game. 

1 R. S. Cricket Scores (Foreign and Big Side Matches), 1831-93. 
Rugby : A. J. Lawrence. London : Whittaker, 1894. 

2 Lawrence, 1897. Price Is. Several sources of information have 
not been used for this book, which would have greatly increased its 
value. Chief of these is the Books of the Big Side Levee. 


It is no part of my task to attempt a history of the game 
of football in England, interesting as such a history must 
be. Suffice it to say, that football is truly a national 
game of great antiquity, and is associated in many parts 
of the country with religious observances which have 
survived from pagan times, and perhaps also with old 
traditions of village feuds. Several of the big schools 
have developed a peculiar type of their own, and one 
of them is Rugby. But the peculiarity of the Rugby 
game, running with the ball, though it is found in some 
of the local varieties of football, seems to be of recent 
origin at Rugby. It arose from a chance piece of bravado, 
as has been already pointed out, 1 and for a long time was 
not the custom at Rugby School. By degrees, however, 
it came to be tolerated, and afterwards was prescribed by 
the rules of the game. Thomas Hughes says that in 1834, 
the first year he was at Rugby, running with the ball for 
a touch in goal was absolutely forbidden. 2 This seems to 
be an exaggeration, as other players remember its being 
allowed at that date. The practice became "rather 
popular" a few years later "from the prowess of Jem 
Mackie," a swift and strong runner; and in 1841 
" running in " was made lawful, but only when the ball 
was caught on the bound, and not picked up. The 
catcher must also not be off-side, and no passing was 
allowed, and he was liable to an extra allowance of 
hacking during the progress. The game at this early 

1 See above, p. 218. 

2 Origin of Rugby Football, pp. 12, 17, 19. 


period was very different from that to which we are now 
accustomed. In some of the Big Side matches a small 
body of powerful players were opposed to a huge mob of 
opponents ; in others there were two such mobs, having 
a hundred or more on a side. All the School who were 
not " caps " had to stand in goal during a Big Side match ; 
the others were organised into detachments. The game 
described in Tom Brown was fairly typical, but the rules 
were by no means fixed. Old Brooke, it will be remem- 
bered, arranged his forwards in three groups; behind 
them came the "dodgers," who answer to the modern 
half-backs ; and " in quarters " were the three-quarters 
or full backs. A maul in goal was common ; and a most 
exciting thing was a maul, as the present writer can 
testify from experience. It must be remembered, how- 
ever, that although it was lawful to hold any player in 
a maul, "this holding does not include attempts to 
throttle or strangle, which are totally opposed to all 
the principles of the game." l The ball was not brought 
out after a touch in goal, but kicked out and caught; 
as soon as it was kicked, the defenders might make a 
rush, and unless the ball were caught and a mark made 
before the rush came up, no try was allowed. What 
with these immense sides, in a match which might last 
through four afternoons in succession, 2 and what with 
hacking (even though hob-nails and iron plates were 
not allowed), Rugby football was not then a game for 

1 Football Kules : Big Side Levte, Oct. 23, 1849. 

3 Schoolhouse Match of 1843 : S. H. Fasti, vol. i. init. 


tender-hearted parents to look on with equanimity. The 
writer has been told by an eye-witness of a certain Old 
Rugbeian Match, how one who is now a high dignitary 
of the Church, hacked over a man running with the ball, 
and the fall broke his collar-bone and caused a compound 
fracture of the leg. Nowadays we have not only our 
gloves and leg-guards for cricket, but ankle-guards, ear- 
guards, and sundry other guards used in the different 
varieties of football. 

Three accounts of the old game have been referred to. 
The first of these is a description in Homeric Greek of the 
Sixth Match of 1839, by Franklin Lushington. 1 Football, 
hunting, love, and war are the only Homeric things which 
our civilisation still retains, and in the ^wro^aXko^a^la 
a spirited expression is given to one of them. The 
"Old Boy "appears as ava% 'Tyrf?, o? iraai 
aXXot?. Other heroes of that olden time are 
easy to recognise as the present Dean of Westminster, 
the tawny-haired Hodson, %av6b<; 'O8efc8?;?, who proved 
himself truly an dybs dvSpwv, and MaOdalos &>/*a? T', 
"Apv6\ov vlee BOKO. It is difficult to imagine the exquisite 
apostle of sweetness and light in the rough-and-tumble 
of a football match, but so it was. Did he appreciate 
this poem as a criticism of life? The graphic descrip- 
tion of Schoolhouse v. School in Tom Browns School 
Days must be familiar to every one. Who has not held 
his breath while young Brooke and his bull-dogs went 

1 Printed in the Rugbeian, 1840 ; and reprinted in Oriyin of Rugby 
Football, p. 38. 


into the scrummage, in the days when a scrummage was 
worthy of the name ? The third description, 1 no less 
telling, is less widely known, and from this I venture to 
make a considerable extract. It is appropriate that the 
author should be William Delafield Arnold, a son of the 
great Head-master. 

Drawn up before the Island goal is the Sixth Form, a little 
band, some forty in number some huge, strong, massive ; 
others light, smart, active ; all eager, courageous, zealous. It 
is with them as with the warriors of old : not the weight, 
not the mass, but each man's individual prowess must gain 
the victory. How well is each acquainted with his particu- 
lar post and duty ! These are to play forward, these to lead 
the sudden rush, or by their vast bodies check the threaten- 
ing scrummage, or turn the direction of a tumultuous " run 
in." These, again, are to play back or forward as occasion 
offers, the tirailleurs or light infantry of the tiny army ; to 
change the aspect of the moment by a happy drop, and turn 
the tide of victory from the Island to the white gate. Lastly, 
there are those who feel that keeping goal, defending the 
very crown of conquest, is no mean or unworthy task, since 
beneath those very bars were given to immortality the names 
of Clough and Harry Thorpe. Nor do the adversaries pre- 
sent a less magnificent and orderly appearance ; but alas, it 
is a host as that of the Philistines. Of four hundred and 
sixty adversaries two hundred stand forth to battle, leaving 
the countless multitude to guard the camp. There they 
stand, those two hundred the scarlet and gold of the School- 

1 " Football : the Sixth Match." Published as a pamphlet by 
Crossley and Billington ; also quoted in School Experiences of a Fag 
(1854), and Book of Rugby School (1856). 


house ; the green and gold of Cotton's ; the purple and silver 
star of Mayor's ; the flushing red and crescent of Arnold's ; 
the orange and silver of Price's ; the crossed black of Anstey's, 
all stand in terrible array against the devoted band. It is 
the contest of age and weight against numbers.; and numbers 
are no small help ; and weight in the Fifth and Twenty 
begins to be painfully respectable. But now all is silent. 
Far from each other lie the opposing hosts. Between, in a 
line with the three trees, reposes the yet intact ball. All is 
hushed still ! Suddenly, from some stentorian lungs amid 
the two hundred, comes the shout, " Are you ready ? " 
A moment's pause, a hurried glance all round and again 
the silence is broken, and the Sixth leader answers with a 
solitary emphatic " Yes ! " Once more perfect stillness. A 
single chosen champion of the Fifth steps forth between 
the two lines, rushes at the quiescent ball. Shouts of " Well 
kicked ! " " Catch it ! " and then adieu to words. Those sta- 
tionary bands, as by a magician's wand, are transformed into 
one restless, moving, thronging mass. The ball, soon stopped 
in its aerial career, is lost in the gathering crowd, and the 
Sixth Match is begun ; and when once begun, who shall 
describe its progress ? Surely no one ungifted with Homeric 
vision can do it justice ; yet for want of a worthier bard will 
we ambitiously essay the arduous task. 

The ball is caught ; again it rises in the air ; but this time 
caught no more, for he who vainly stood forth to meet it 
just touches the ball, and at the same time falls prostrate 
before the weight of the advancing foe. Onward it goes 
through the three trees ; but lo ! one adroit, active, cunning, 
has caught it on the bound, with slippery wiles eludes count- 
less adversaries, and with one successful drop sends it far over 
the heads of the advancing party. Thus is the tide of war 
changed with a vengeance. Onward rush the gallant Fifth, 


and just as the ball is within a hundred yards of the goal it 
is caught by some stalwart champion of the Twenty, put 
under his arm, and suddenly " Maul him ! " " Well done ! " 
" Go it ! " re-echoes from three hundred lungs, and every 
member of either side is thronging to the conflict. Then 
comes the tug of war. The hapless and too adventurous 
hero who first grasped the ball, and he who first dared to 
stay his course by his rough embrace, both roll on the ground, 
locked in each other's arms, the foundation of a pyramid of 
human flesh, giving vent to screams, yells, and groans unutter- 
able. But no soldier ever grasped his colours more strenu- 
ously on the field of battle than does this gallant member of 
the Twenty the no less precious ball. Stifling, suffocating, 
crushing backwards and forwards heaves the thickest mass. 
At last numbers will tell : the goal is passed : the gallant 
holder of the ball, disdaining to speak before, hears the cry 
" In, In ! " and collecting what breath is left in his exhausted 
lungs, gasps out " My ball." A side glance all eyes to 
the left and the fact is indisputable : the ball is in goal. 
Instantly every one gets or is dragged up ; stray caps are 
picked up and restored, and the struggling mass dissolved. 
These, exulting, retire some twenty-five yards ; those, mourn- 
ful, lean against goal posts, or otherwise ease their weary 

At last suspense is over ; a try a failure ; no exultation, 
though deep joy. Slowly and deliberately the ball is kicked 
out ; not, however, without something of military tactic. 
" Kick towards the three trees, we always do better there, 
we can keep together ; and kick high, so that we may charge 
up before they catch it " so counsels some venerable and 
athletic Nestor ; and true to the word up goes the ball, and 
before it descends, the heavy sons of the Upper Bench are 
upon it, and with one shout of triumph the three trees the 


Thermopylae of the Close are gained, and the ball is hasten- 
ing towards the school goal. In touch. A dead silence, 
both parties preparing for a struggle. Out comes the ball ; 
some giant hand strikes it yards on towards the school 
goal, and, like bloodhounds on the scent, the Sixth close in. 
" Look out in goal ! " Vain cry ! Is not a fight going on 
by the schoolhouse wall, and what discipline shall break the 
ring ? Vain cry ! Already has the leader of the Sixth side, 
the champion of hare and hounds, got the ball under his 
arm, and who may hope to stop him ? There is a sudden 
cessation of motion ; it is evident that the ball is in goal ; but 
who has touched it ? Ah, that is the question. " Whose 
ball ? " pant the laggers as they run up. " Theirs," is the 
sullen answer in the huge host. " Ours," the thrilling re- 
sponse from and for the Forty. But it is a long way out, 
close to the path by the white gate. " Who'll kick it out ? " 
Grave question ! Awful responsibility ! At last a man is 
found ; the long line of fellows who can place are drawn up 
to catch ; perfect silence ! the man who is to kick it out 
walks in and takes up the ball quite quietly as if more 
than kingdoms did not depend on his skill ! nay, to prove his 
coolness, he looks round and requests the opposite party to 
"go in." At last he kicks the ball is in the air; forth 
rush the opposing host as a wave of the sea ; but even as 
the mad wave dashes impotently upon the gallant break- 
water, so fruitlessly rush they upon that single man, who, 
short, sturdy, smiling, has already caught, and like an im- 
prisoned angel hugs the ball. It is caught, and well before 
too. Now another silence. Who is to kick ? Pass over 
the bashfulness, the reasonable agitation, at length the 
doomed man, doomed to glory or to bitter disappointment, 
steps forth between two anxious lines. Those who could not 
tremble in the scrummage or the charge are gasping and 


shaking now ; the enemy with eye and foot alert, prompt for 
the charge. At length the following short and pithy con- 
versation, always the forerunner of action : " Place it low." 
" As low as that ? " " Yes but, stop a minute don't put it 
down till I give the word NOW ! ! ! " Like a cannon ball 
on rushes he, and on rush the charging host ; but baffled are 
their attempts ; too truly has the placer done his work ; the 
ball is high in the air, and all eyes are starting from their 
sockets as they watch its course. " Yes No Yes, a goal, a 
decided goal, by Jove, it's a goal." Yes, it is a goal, and 
there is the cry of " Over." 

By this time the " runs' 11 also had reduced themselves 
to a system. 1 The Big Side Books have been kept since 
1837, from which date the names of the Holders have 
been recorded continuously. The Holder of Big Side 
Books was of the Schoolhouse for the first four years 
in succession, and the first name is S. F. Craddock. In 
the year 1837 we find the following runs : Barby 
Hill, Bilton, Lawford, Lilbourne and Catthorpe, and 
Thurlaston. In 1838 the Crick first appears with several 
others. W. Lea (S. H.) was first recorded winner of the 
Crick, time not recorded; and the first recorded winner 
of the Barby Hill run was Arthur Hugh Clough, the 
poet. The course in these runs was not always fixed 
at this early date, so that a comparison of the times 
would not be of much interest. In the Schoolhouse 
Fasti are a few lists and facts relating to this period. 
One of them is the list of a Big Side run of 1838, in 

1 Rugby School Big Side Huns, last ed. by A. L. Danson. Lawrence : 
Rugby, 1893. 


which is the name of Hodson. The Crick run has 
been described under a very transparent disguise byjone 
who ran in it sixty years ago, and it may be interesting 
to give here a part of his description : l 

It was to be the "Crick run" to a little village eight 
miles from Rugby, and passing round the village back to 
within a mile or two of the School, where the great " come 
in" was to take place. At three o'clock about half the 
house was assembled in the Hall, in a uniform costume of 
white trousers supported by a black belt, and white jerseys, 
with caps of various shape, and wide-awakes of every hue. 
Coats, jackets, or any outer garment are discarded, a very 
fast run being anticipated from the well-known pluck of 
the hares. Here they come, with two long canvas bags 
full of torn-up paper, to strew along their way for " scent." 
They have been in deep consultation with the leader of the 
hounds as to the particular line of country they are to take, as 
in so long a run as the celebrated Crick course, we are not to 
be delayed by missing the scent and not knowing which way 
to turn. We give them a partial cheer as they go off, and 
they scatter a handful of "scent" as they jump through the 
Hall window, and by this manoeuvre gain two minutes more 
for the race. 

Time is up ; the leader of the hounds, who is also often 
a hare, and is determined to catch the hares before they 
arrive at the terminus, and to do the run quicker than it 
has ever been done before, puts up his watch, vaults through 
the window, and walks down to the road, to give every one 
time to catch him : thus all start together. He begins 

1 School Experiences of a Fag, pp. 141-145. The names Brick and 
Harby, used by the writer, have been changed to their proper form. 


quietly; a six-mile-an-hour trot brings us all together to 
the end of the first mile. Here the younger ones begin to 
pant, and the belts of all are drawn tighter ; then the pace 
quickens, till, at the end of the second mile, a few of the 
smaller boys are missed. The third mile has rid us of all 
who run for the name of the thing, and who now push on 
at a slower pace for the " come in." We are now reduced 
to a gallant little band of ten or fifteen only, and the next 
five miles find us an unchanged pack, even if all the white 
of our accoutrements has become of every shade from red 
to black. 

Crick is passed, and the pace becomes more severe, while 
the scent is less frequent : were it not for the continual 
checks, no wind would last out till the end. The leader 
and his four or five rivals are racing now, and a field or two 
intervenes between them and the courageous few behind ; 
while one or two are lying in the Crick Inn, almost at their 
last gasp, waiting for the coach which will convey them 
to Rugby, as it passed through the little village. 

" Only a mile more," the leader whispers to the school- 
fellow who has been neck and neck for the last ten minutes ; 
he understands the challenge, and the pace becomes terrific. 
They think they are safe to be first and second, but they 
forget the undaunted pluck of Smyth, who is immediately 
behind them, and who intends to be the winner to-day. 

They reach the brow of the hill above the river; the 
hares are in sight. The leader's cheer, as he pulls out his 
watch, will give Smyth a chance for the victory ; he is " in 
waiting," as jockeys say, about fifty yards behind. As for 
me, I am in extremis, and am in great doubt if I shall ever 
reach that mound, now in full view, though the dusky 
winter's evening casts a shadow over all the country. But 
even if I arrive the last, the " Crick run " in ninety minutes 


would have been a feather in my cap for ever, if I had not 
lost it as we leapt over that last brook ; so we must push on 

The two hares are lying down a few yards apart, dread- 
fully out of breath, with a pencil, note-book, and watch, 
ready to mark down the winner and the time. Smyth 
passes the leader at a rapid pace, and wins by two yards ; 
and even I put on an extra spurt, and come in last but one. 

We throw ourselves on the grass, and feel as if nothing 
would ever rouse us again ; fags are in attendance with 
greatcoats. We walk quickly home ; after the run we have 
had, so sober a pace as walking seems a rest. We burst 
into the Hall, where all the house are at tea, and announce 
in hoarse tones 

" The Crick run, fourteen miles in eighty minutes ; beat 
the hares by seven minutes ; Smyth first, leader second ; 
twenty-four started, nine in," &c. And I lean over my 
friend and say, " I was only six minutes behind them, and 
was last but one. I am so ill, do come up and undress me." 
He jumps up, and puts me to bed in no time, ejaculating 
as he does so, " What a fool you were to try the great 
Crick run ! " 

But there was a darker side to the amusements of 
Rugby boys. There was a great deal too much drinking 
of strong liquors among them, and this was one of the 
abuses that Arnold most firmly set his face against. 
That he effected a great improvement there is no doubt, 
but still he did not succeed in quite stamping out the 
nuisance. Readers of Tom Brown will recollect the Cock- 
tail Club. Members of this Club used to save all the 
beer they could keep from supper, and this, with the 


beer saved by the fags, was mixed with spirits and drunk 
hot. This had been formerly combined with the sing- 
ing in Hall ; but latterly the Club preferred to keep the 
Hall to themselves, except on one Saturday night shortly 
before Christmas, when the ordeal described in Tom 
Brown was undergone by all comers. This Club con- 
tinued to exist until Christmas 1845, when it was finally 
broken up, and some of the members sent away, including 
two of the Sixth. 1 

Such is the picture of Rugby School life two gene- 
rations ago. It will strike the observer not only by 
its resemblances to the present, but by its differences. 
School customs are long-lived, but many have died at 
Rugby ; and the very slang of former days would be 
Hebrew to the schoolboy of to-day. He no longer 
"shirks," or treats his friends to a "guttle,"" and he 
would be astonished at the idea of playing football in 
" navvies. 11 But words and customs cover much the 
same things in different ages; and if in the present we 
are somewhat less rough, the same honest and courageous 
heart beats beneath a skin tattooed in a different pattern. 

i Schoolhouse Fasti, vol. i. init.; where two lists of the Club are 
given, for 1843 and 1845. 


MEYRICK GOULBURN, D.D., 1850-1858. 

ON July 8, 1842, Archibald Campbell Tait 1 was elected 
Head-master of Rugby. Tait was at that time well 
known in England by his Protest against the famous 
Tract Ninety. He had been for some years tutor of 
Balliol, and had there come in contact with several of 
Arnold's pupils for instance, Stanley and Clough. Arnold 
himself had written him a letter about Tract Ninety, 
which showed him to have been thoroughly in sympathy 
with the position taken up in the Protest. Among the 
other candidates for Rugby School were C. J. Vaughan 
and Bonamy Price. Vaughan had a prior claim by statute 
as an old Rugbeian, and was beyond comparison the better 
scholar ; yet, for reasons which do not appear, the Trustees 
passed him over in favour of Tait. Some ill-feeling seems 

1 Son of Crawford Tait, of Edinburgh. Balliol College, Oxford : 
matriculated Jan. 29, 1830, age 18; scholar, 1830-35 ; B.A., 1833; 
Fellow, 1834-42; M.A., 1836; D.C.L., 1842; junior dean, 1836; 
tutor and logic lecturer, 1837-42 ; catechetical lecturer, 1840 ; D.D. 
by diploma, 1869 ; F.K.S. Dean of Carlisle, 1850-56; Bishop of 
London, 1856-69 ; Archbishop of Canterbury, 1868-82. 



to have been aroused among the staff, probably on this 
account; but it did not last. On those who came in 
contact with him Tait left the impression of a conscien- 
tious and hard-working man, and he seems to have had a 
good influence on the School. 1 If he could not easily 
" wear the giant's armour, 1 '* that is hardly to be won- 
dered at. 

The restriction put upon the number of boys in 
School was now removed, and the numbers gradually 
rose to 493, 2 the highest hitherto attained. Some dis- 
advantages followed on this change, and the School got 
a little out of gear in consequence. A great influx of 
new boys set in, and the houses became overcrowded ; 
and the growing School probably overtaxed Tait's powers 
of organisation. The work of a school was not entirely 
suited to his temperament ; and his biographer records 
ample evidence to show that the " awful responsibility " 
of his work was too heavy for his powers. Arnold's 
essentially human character, with its robust common- 
sense, and his tact and simplicity, saved him from any sus- 
picion of priggishness ; but his successor pushed Arnold's 
methods too far, and it is to be feared that there was too 
much introspection and too little naturalness in the type 
of character which he fostered. 

Whatever may be the opinion held on this point, 

Tait's pupils entertained for him a deep and sincere 

regard. The boys found a warm welcome in that happy 

family circle which has been so tastefully drawn for us by 

i Life, i. 116, 117. 2 The Public Schools, p. 391. 


his own hand. 1 His beautiful and gracious wife was ever 
happy to talk or read to those in the Schoolhouse. To 
her husband Mrs. Tait was a help indeed, keeping his 
accounts for him, and relieving him of many of those 
minor matters which a Head-master has to attend to. 
When the new studies were built to the Schoolhouse, 
there were seventy boys in it, and to look after this large 
family must have been a task of no small difficulty. For 
eight years this task was fulfilled with tact and success ; 
and when at the end of his Head-mastership Dr. Tait 
was leaving Rugby for the last time, the boys took the 
horses out of the carriage and drew it down to the station 
themselves. 2 When Dr. Tait resigned the Head-master- 
ship on being appointed Dean of Carlisle, the Trustees 
expressed their satisfaction that he had " fully maintained 
the character and reputation which the School obtained 
under the distinguished man who preceded him." 3 

During those eight years there are few events to 
chronicle. Soon after Tait^s coming a fund was col- 
lected to erect a monument and an Arnold Library in 
memory of the late Head-master. In 1846 Mr. Hussey 
drew up an estimate, 4 and a room was built adjoining the 
old Sixth School, to serve as a library and museum : the 
cost was c1500. The process of enlarging the school 
premises was proceeded with by degrees. On the site of 
the present New Quad there were then standing a number 

1 Catherine and Crawfurd Tait, pp. 16 ff. (Macm., 1879). 

2 Op cit., p. 34. 3 Order of Nov. 9, 1849. 
4 Order of Dec. 17, 1846. 


of old cottages, one of them well known to old Rugbeians 
as Sally Harro well's. These were a danger to the School 
from their unsanitary condition ; and when at length a 
fever broke out in these buildings, Tait bought up the 
block for ^750, which was afterwards repaid him out of 
the school funds. 1 At the boys 1 request, these were 
pulled down, and a fives court was built on the site, the 
old fives court being not enough for their wants. 2 As 
the arrangements for illness were not satisfactory, it was 
directed that sick-rooms should be set apart in each 
boarding-house; 8 and not long after a regular sana- 
torium was provided on the Barby Road. 4 In 1845 a 
number of new studies were built in the Schoolhouse. 5 
A field was added to the Close, and in 1847 the Island 
ceased to be an island for ever, the moat being finally 
drained dry. 6 A new transept was added to the chapel, 
in memory of two former masters, Mr. Grenfell and Mr. 
Mayor; 7 the architect was Mr. Penrose. This is the 
north transept, where Arnold's monument now lies. A 
sum of 30 was also expended in buying Communion 
plate. 8 

Dr. Tait admitted 1158 boys in all into Rugby School, 
and there is a goodly tale of university distinctions to be 
divided among them. Let the place of honour be assigned 
to one who has been the delight of thousands of children, 
young and old: the immortal author of Alice in Wonder- 

i Order of June 30, 1848. 2 Same date. 

3 Order of June 14, 1843. 4 Order of June 3, 1847. 

8 Order of June 25, 1845. 6 Order of June 3, 1847. 

7 Order of same date. 8 Order of June 12, 1844. 



(Drawn by Miss H. M. James, from a photograph by Geo. A. Dean, Rugby.) 

land and Alice through the Looking"- Glass. Charles 

Lutwidge Dodgson l is known to the Rugby Register as 

1 Entered 1846. 


the "author of several mathematical publications," and 
to literature as Lewis Carroll. This pen-name is a 
fanciful distortion of his two Christian names, Latinised 
as Ludovicus Carolus. His inexhaustible fund of humour 
was locked up in a grave and solemn exterior, and 
shown only to his intimate friends, particularly to chil- 
dren, whom he loved as much as they loved him. He 
spent a long life of retirement in Oxford, where his 
serious business was the teaching of mathematics, and 
his relaxation the writing of brilliant jeux (Tesprit. 
Whatever event of importance happened in the Univer- 
sity, forth from his quiet rooms would issue a skit such as 
set the common-room tables on a roar. One of the most 
famous is the " New Method of Evaluation as applied 
to TT," written in 1865, when the Jowett controversy 
waxed high. It is to be hoped that some one of his 
friends will publish a collection of these fugitive papers, 
before they perish like the equally clever classical skits of 
Richard Shilleto and F. A. Paley. The School seems for 
the time to have exhausted her literary powers in pro- 
ducing Lewis Carroll, for we find no other name of great 
distinction in literature proper. There is, however, an 
historian, James Franck Bright ; * a distinguished traveller 
who wrote on the East, Richard Banner Oakley ; 2 and a 
mythologist, Sir George Cox. 3 

In politics and the law several of Tait's pupils attained 
distinction. The Right Hon. G. J. Goschen, First Lord 
of the Admiralty, entered Rugby in 1845. Sir Henry 
1 Entered 1845. 2 Entered 1849. 3 Entered 1842. 


Drummond Wolff, 1 K.C.M.G., was one of Disraeli's men, 
and has made him a name by his work in Constantinople 
and in the House. He belonged to the once famous 
Fourth Party, when A. J. Balfour and Lord Randolph 
Churchill were in the ranks of the irresponsible un- 
attached. The Hon. Sir Ashley Eden, 2 K.C.S.I., was 
Lieutenant-Governor of Bombay. Sir Horace Davey, 3 
after winning a double first at Oxford, has become one 
of the Lords of Appeal. In science the name of James 
Palladio Bassevi 4 recalls the jungles of Jeypore and the 
heights of the Himalayas; and Alexander Goodman 
More 5 is well known to botanists and ornithologists. 
Sir Herbert Oakeley 6 is Rugby's first distinguished musi- 
cian, the sole fruit of generations of Hall-singing. It 
would be interesting to learn whether he was hissed on 
New Boys' Night, or whether his native wood notes wild 
perchance tamed the savage crew, as erewhile Orpheus 
with his lute made Cerberus and Pluto mute. 

Amongst the scholars who came forth from Rugby 
during these years may be mentioned Arthur Gray 
Butler, 7 afterwards Head-master of Haileybury. He is 
well known in his old school as the eponymous hero of 
Butler's leap. 8 Frederick William Walker, 9 after a bril- 
liant career in Oxford (where, besides classical honours, 
he carried off* the Boden Sanskrit Scholarship and the 
Vinerian Scholarship in Law), became Fellow and Tutor 

1 Entered 1843. 2 Entered 1844. 3 Entered 1848. 

4 Entered 1843. 5 Entered 1844. 6 Entered 1843. 

7 Entered 1845. 8 See picture of the Leap in Leaflet, ii. 21. 

9 Entered 1845. 


of Corpus, and is now High Master of St. Paul's School, 
with its scholars one hundred and fifty and three. Thomas 
William Jex-Blake x will shortly meet us as Head-master 
of Rugby. 

Nor is Rugby School found wanting in the field of 
battle. In the trenches before Sebastopol, in the Indian 
Mutiny, and in other wars small and great, Rugbeians 
were found at the front. Henry Sacheverell Wilmot, 2 
now Colonel Sir Henry Wilmot, Bart., C.B., won the 
Victoria Cross at Lucknow in 1858. His company was 
engaged with a large force of mutineers on the Iron 
Bridge. After a while he found himself hemmed in 
with four men only at the end of a narrow street. Two 
of the men picked up a wounded comrade and began 
to retreat, Captain Wilmot (as he then was) covering 
the movement, and firing with the men^s rifles, which 
they loaded and handed on to him. They were suc- 
cessful in getting off, though not without wounds, and 
all three received the coveted honour. Three Rugbeians 
took part in the Balaclava charge : Richard Riversdale 
Glyn, 3 George Gooch Clowes, 4 who was wounded, and 
John Pratt Winter, 5 who was killed. Drury Wake, 6 of 
the Bengal Civil Service, and C.B., was known in the 
Mutiny as the Hero of Arrah. He was magistrate of 
that place, and made a most gallant defence against 
the rebels. Major-General Crealock, 7 saw much service 

1 Entered 1844. 

2 Entered 1843 ; Heroes of the Victoria Cross, p. 147. 

3 Entered 1843. 4 Entered 1848. 5 Entered 1844. 
6 Entered 1842. 7 Entered 1844. 


in the Crimea, in India, and in China, and made a series 
of interesting sketches of the two last campaigns. Colonel 
Gawler l served in Africa and in India, and was eight 
times singled out for honourable mention. After his 
retirement he was made Keeper of the Regalia in the 
Tower of London. Audley Henry Booth 2 was one of 
those who went down to a hero's death in the wreck of 
the Birkenhead. Lastly may be named one who was born 
to greatness. Osmund Barnes 3 was chosen as "Lyon 
King-at-Arms " to proclaim Queen Victoria Empress of 
India at the Grand Durbar of 1 876 at Delhi, because he 
was the tallest man in the British army in India. 

We must not forget to name some Rugbeians who 
became famous cricketers or athletes. C. G. Wynch, 4 
who appears in the Rugby Eleven of 1850, was one of 
the best leg-hitters in England. A. P. Law 5 is familiar 
to Oxford men as "Infelix." E. R. F. Vickars 6 carried 
out his bat to Sebastopol and Burmah, where he died 
quite young. Another soldier-cricketer was Major W. 
J. Kempson. 7 Mr. A. G. Butler did not leap his last 
at Rugby, but won the high jump at Oxford, and played 
for the university eleven. As for bowling, who knows not 
the name of David Buchanan ? 8 

On the resignation of Dr. Tait, Edward Meyrick 
Goulburn 9 was elected into the vacant place, his election 

i Entered 1844. 2 Entered 1843. s Entered 1846. 

4 Entered 1844. 5 Entered 1848. 6 Entered 1847. 

7 Entered 1850. 8 Entered 1845. 

9 Son of Edward Goulburn, of Chelsea. Balliol College, Oxford : 
matriculated Nov. 29, 1834, age sixteen ; scholar, 1834-41 ; B.A., 1839 ; 


to take effect from midsummer 1850. 1 Few outward 
changes occurred during the period of his mastership. 
In 1851 a second transept was added to the chapel 2 on 
the south side, and in the following year Arnold's " old 
enemy/ 1 the flat roof, was removed, and an open roof 
substituted, which greatly improved the appearance of 
the interior. In 1855 the organ was moved from the 
west window, which had been completely blocked by it, to 
a house built for it on the north side of the chapel. The 
organ gallery was taken away, and the screen placed 
back against the west wall. The two square pews which 
so offended the eye at the east end were removed, and 
the floor was laid in a tessellated pavement. A new porch 
was built in 1856 at the west end, partly or wholly at 
the expense of the boys, who subscribed for it. 3 At the 
same time the west window was enlarged, and other 
improvements were made in that part of the building. 
Three new windows of stained glass were inserted. The 
first, representing the Flight into Egypt, was put up 
in 1852 by the old Rugbeians in India, in memory 
of their comrades who had fallen there. It was made 
by the Kelners of Nuremberg, the same firm which 
furnished some of the windows of Cologne Cathedral. 

Fellow of Merton, 1841-46 ; M.A., 1842 ; D.C.L., 1850 ; D.D., 1856 
Minister of Quebec Chapel, 1858-59 ; Incumbent of St. John's, Pad- 
dington, 1859-67 ; Prebendary of St. Paul's, Chaplain to the Queen 
Dean of Norwich, 1866. 

1 Order of Dec. 17, 1849. 

2 For chapel, see Book of Rugby School, p. 74. 

3 Books of Big Side Levte, 1855. 


Dr. Goulburn presented the second, also made by the 
same firm, the subject being Christ blessing the little 
children. The third is a window by Messrs. Hardinan, 
the Confession of the Centurion, placed there in memory 
of the old Rugbeians who fell in the Crimea. Over the 
Communion-table was an old painting of the School by 
Vandyke, presented by Mr. M. H. Bloxam. In the Close, 
too, alterations of various sorts were going on. The Head- 
master presented a field adjoining "Tait's field 11 in 1854, 1 
and soon after some of the trees between the Old and New 
Closes were felled. In 1856 the New Close was for the 
first time used for cricket. Part of the Close which 
previously sloped very much down to Pontines, was 
levelled in the following year. 

Such is the uneventful history of this reign ; and amid 
this calm the work of the School went on much as usual. 
A goodly list of scholars may be made from the names of 
this generation of Rugbeians. In one year, 1857, which 
has been called the Annus Mirabilis of Rugby, the School 
carried off nearly all the open scholarships at Oxford and 
Cambridge. Either university owes much of its philo- 
sophy to Rugby : Cambridge to Professor Henry Sidg- 
wick, 2 author of " Methods of Ethics " and " Principles 
of Political Economy, 11 and to S. H. Hodgeson, 8 founder 
of the Aristotelian Society, and author of several books 
on metaphysics ; Oxford to Professor T. H. Green, 4 
author of "Prolegomena to Ethics. 11 The name of 

1 Big Side Levte Books ; Schoolhouse Fasti. 

2 Entered 1862. a Entered 1846. 4 Entered 1850. 


Arthur Sidgwick 1 has long been associated with Rugby, 
as of one who knows the secret how to combine amuse- 
ment with instruction. Not content with philosophy and 
Greek, Rugby must needs teach Oxford Latin ; on which 
mission Professor Robinson Ellis 2 set forth many years 
ago, and his task is not yet done. Many a school has 
had to thank Rugby for a head-master: University 
College School for Henry Weston Eve, 3 Bedford Modern 
School for Robert Burton Poole, 4 and the High School 
of Newcastle, Staffordshire, for Francis Elliott Kitchener. 5 
Charles Henry Tawney, 6 formerly Principal of the Presi- 
dency College, Calcutta, and now Librarian at the India 
Office, is well known to all Orientalists. No scholar needs 
to be reminded how much Sir Edward Maunde Thompson 7 
has done for students of palaeography. Dr. Goulburn 
also educated a practical theologian in the person of 
Bishop Webb, 8 and a theoretical, Professor Henry Wace, 9 
late Principal of King's College, London. To the bench 
Rugby gave Lord Justice Bowen, 10 who added to his 
brilliant scholarship and legal ability a fame no less 
brilliant in the football scrummage. Thomas Brassey, 
who in 1851 was a new boy, perhaps trembling at the 
thought of singing songs with a tallow dip in each hand, 
was destined to become a Lord of the Admiralty and to 
receive a peerage. 

1 Entered 1853. 
4 Entered 1855. 
7 Entered 1854. 

2 Entered 1850. 
5 Entered 1854. 
8 Entered 1855. 
10 Entered 1850. 

3 Entered 1853. 
6 Entered 1851. 
9 Entered 1850. 


Rugbeian warriors of this period are found in all the 
wars of England : in Russia and the East, in Abyssinia 
and Zululand. Lieut.-Colonel Mitford 1 was in Hodson's 
Horse during the Indian Mutiny : he won the Victoria 
Cross for saving life at the risk of his own. Another 
Rugbeian lost his life in a deed such as has qualified 
many for that distinction. John Dawson 2 was sixteen 
years old when he joined the army, and set out for the 
Crimea. There he was in charge of a number of wounded 
men at the time when a French siege train blew up on 
Nov. 15, 1855. The explosion did him no harm, but he 
rushed into the burning park, and began carrying off the 
shells to prevent any damage to those under his charge. 
One of these shells exploded in his arms, and Dawson 
was mortally wounded. Miss Nightingale, who nursed 
him, wrote of him as " the gentle and the brave." 

In the department of sports and pastimes we find 
W. H. Bullock, 3 the cricketer, who was also a war corre- 
spondent in the Franco-Prussian War ; C. Booth, 4 captain 
of the Cambridge Eleven, who played for the Marylebone 
Club against the Australians ; E. Rutter, 5 the Middlesex 
slow bowler; R. S. Hills, 6 who made the first century 
against the School ; E. G. Sandford, 7 afterwards Arch- 
deacon of Exeter, a well-known bat and wicket-keeper, 
who played for the Oxford Eleven and the Gentlemen 

1 R C. W. R. Mitford, entered 1851. 

2 J. W. J. Dawson, entered 1850. 

3 Entered 1850. He changed his name to Hall. 

4 Entered 1856. 5 Entered 1853. 
6 Entered 1853. 7 Entered 1852. 


of England ; II. F. Kelly, 1 who rowed for two years in 
the Oxford Eight ; and last, but not least, C. S. Dakyns. 2 
Dakyns"* achievements on Old Big Side are described as 
marvellous, and not to be credited by those who had never 
seen him in his prime. Whether for running, dodging, 
tackling, or dropping with either foot, he seems to have 
been unsurpassed. 

" Many a time/' says the historian of the game, " have 
I seen him drop a goal from a distance of fifty or sixty yards, 
when an opponent has had firm hold of one of his arms, but 
failed to get possession of the ball ; which, held by the string, 
Dakyns would let fall from his unencumbered hand in front 
of an unerring foot. ... I have no hesitation in stating my 
opinion which, I should say, is shared by many players who 
have watched the Rugby game carefully for two or three 
decades that the famous Pup Dakyns was the best all-round 
football player who ever donned a jersey." 

In 1846 we find the rules of Rugby football first 
codified. 3 From these it appears that picking up the ball 
from the ground was not yet legal. The practice, how- 
ever, soon began to be followed, much to the indignation 
of old Rugbeians, who in 1856 4 raised a protest against 
it. Running into touch with the ball was not allowed, 
nor " standing on the goal bar " to prevent the ball from 
going over ! A player was off-side if the ball touched 
a player behind him, and remained so until one of the 

1 Entered 1857. 

2 Entered 1855. See Marshall's Football, pp. 79 and 80. 

3 Origin of K F., pp. 28-32. 

4 Big Side Levte Books, 1856. 


other side kick it. A rudimentary penalty kick was 
allowed if any one took a punt when not entitled to it. 
There was no referee, but the "heads of sides or their 
deputies" decided all disputes. It may be interesting 
to say that the Fasti contains detailed accounts of nearly 
all Big Side matches from this period onwards. 

One more amusement of the boys must be mentioned, 
not without regret that it should have been allowed to 
drop out of use. We have seen how the drama was 
cultivated at Rugby under Dr. Wooll, and it seems 
likely that the practice of getting up theatrical entertain- 
ments may have gone on at intervals since Macready's 
time. At all events, here we find them in full course 
almost as soon as the Schoolhouse Fasti begins. In 
the winter of 1856 the Schoolhouse Hall entertained 
friends with the representation of a comedy entitled 
" Only a Halfpenny," followed by the farce of " Box and 
Cox." In the next year two performances are given, one 
in April and one in November. For the last occasion 
there is a printed programme showing the cast. This 
continues for some time as a regular event each half year. 

In 1845 the School Debating Society was finally organ- 
ised on a firm basis ; and from that year to the present 
its records have been kept with a few breaks. The first 
President is W. P. Warburton, 1 of Cotton's, afterwards 
Fellow of All Souls 1 , and honorary Canon of Winchester. 
J. R. Byrne 2 was Secretary, and W. D. Arnold 3 "Ser- 

i Entered 1841. 2 Entered 1841. 

3 Entered 1839. 


geant-at-Arms." The first recorded meeting was held 
on Saturday, March 15, when Mr. Bradby (afterwards 
Head-master of Haileybury) proposed "that Sir James 
Gresham was justified in his treatment of the Public 
Correspondence." There were five speakers, twenty-four 
voters, and three " spectators admitted." The meetings 
succeed each other at very short intervals, once in a week, 
and sometimes twice. Officials hold office for a month 
only, when new elections are made. Among the speakers 
are Waddington, Conington, Hort, and other names since 
well known ; Matthew Arnold is a frequent visitor, and 
sometimes a bevy of ladies encourage the tourney with 
their smiles. The subjects are, as usual, chosen mainly 
from current politics; literary questions are discussed 
now and then ; but, strange to say, our familiar friend the 
Ghost makes no apparition. 

The literary efforts of the School went on side by side 
with the Debating Society. The Rugby Miscellany was 
started in 1845, and limited in prospect to ten numbers. 
The best piece in the volume is J. F. Brighfs poem on 
Aihanasius. All the writers assumed fanciful initials, and 
it may be of interest to identify some of these. John 
Conington wrote, over the signature F. D. M., a number 
of thoughtful essays on subjects historical and literary. 
A. G. Butler, as Q., is the author of the " Miseries of a 
Winter Whole School Day at Rugby." 

" I remember, I remember, I should think I did remember 
The six o clock uprising in the darkness of December," 

wails the schoolboy laureate, and then proceeds to describe 


the well-known round in a minor key. Another descrip- 
tion is given by G. G. Bradley 1 and W. P. Warburton, 
and signed : " Experiences of our Life at Rugby." The 
writers carry us into Big School at 7 A.M. for prayers, 
with the hurrying crowd of boys. 

" Ten minutes more/' the article goes on, " they are scat- 
tered every way ; some in mercenary groups, like votaries of 
some heathen shrine around the priest, whose altar is probably 
the pump, and whose mysteries the secrets of the lesson." 

The next quarter finds them all stowed away in their 
different schools, and by 8.30 they are at breakfast, amid 
the sweet monotony of " rounds, tea, or chocolate ; or 
chocolate, rounds, tea ! " Next comes " a stroll to Cross- 
ley's" then dinner "then the cheerful suicide of a 
leaping party," the evening task, the well-earned rest. 
Football, of course, claims its meed of mention : 2 

The great match ; . . . and close by the shrill island, 
full as an ant-hill in egging time its heroes writhing and 
knotting their bodies into shapes which a monkey of any 
self-respect would be ashamed of, and all that their names 
may be divided from nothing." 

It is interesting, too, to read a schoolboy's view of 
Arnold's reformed organisation. 

"The Sixth Form/' writes one contributor 1 "an aristo- 
cracy of talent and worth, created neither by birth, interest, 

1 Contributions by him alone are signed D. E. R. 
2 Page 8. 3 Page 54. 


nor personal strength. It was a happy thought, and spoke 
the observant mind in him who first set boys to govern boys, 
and who turned those who should otherwise have been the 
ringleaders in every disturbance into an organised and re- 
sponsible nobility, with power, privileges, and a character of 
their own to preserve." 

The New Rugbeian was started in 1858, and ran 
through three volumes. One poet laments the departed 
glories of football : l 

This is the Football bigside ; the murmuring fags and the no- 

Frosted with drizzle in garments warm, indistinct in the twilight, 

Stand as others of old, with voices sad and exclaiming ; 

Stand like martyrs, they think ; and nursing themselves in their 

Wander like spirits of ill, the frequent punt-about heed not . . . 

This is the Football bigside : but where are the navvies 2 that 
through it 

Hackt like the woodsman tbat fells in the forest the oak with his 
hatchet? . . . 

Gone are those well-known forms, and their navvies for ever 
departed. . . . 

Another poet turns the Big Side Levee into Homeric 
Greek. 3 The unhappy fag takes up his parable, 4 as at 
the fire he stands forlorn, " fagged, and toasting without 
measure." " Why," he indignantly asks, " why should we 
go fetch hot water ? eggs and coffee ever boil ? " and 
concludes with an appeal for mercy : 

By our fat at hall fires wasted, 
By our baked and roasted legs, 

1 i. 54. 2 Heavy Boots. 3 i. 230. 


By the miseries that we've tasted, 

Heating 1 milk and boiling eggs ; 
By our sufferings, since you brought us 

To the man-degrading broom, 
All sustained with patience taught us 

Daily in your dusty room. 

House Sketches l introduce us to 

The filthy mixtures we used to drink under the name of 
tea or coffee for breakfast ; and then the dinners ! huge 
lumps of boiled salt beef, more salted than boiled; queer 
substances called hashes, and resurrection pies, as they used 
to be called ; . . . the puddings ; strange jams economically 
laid out on masses of strange paste ; . . . lumps of suet . . . 
made edible by pouring treacle over it, ... the unctuous 
suet and the treacle full of dead flies ; sometimes they took 
the flies out of the treacle and put them on the suet, and 
called them currants." 

But all was not hardship, and grumblers felt at peace 
when they went skating on Bilton pond, or snowballing 
one another in the quad, or fishing for farmers 1 ducks, 
which were loyally paid for when the boys had had 
their fun. Whole holidays at this time were rare, for 
Arnold had abolished the monthly whole holidays, or 
rather commuted them for the half-holiday every three 
weeks, which is still called " Middle Week." 2 When 
one was given, it seems to have been the correct thing to 
hire a horse and cart and drive about all day. 3 Shirking 
was abolished by Goulburn, 4 and with it the extra- 
ordinary scenes which used to occur at the bathing-places 
when a praepostor came in sight. 

1 ii. 33. 2 ii. 190. 3 ii. 189. 4 ii. 189. 


An abortive rebellion took place when Dr. Tait was 
Head-master. 1 On one occasion he was ill, and a com- 
mittee of masters reigned in his stead ; the time seemed 
favourable, and the fags resolved to rebel against the 
authority of the Sixth. So, at an hour when the Sixth 
were all in school, an assembly of fags was convened 
in the quad. The Lower Fifth joined them, but the 
Upper Fifth took side with the Sixth. A table was 
placed in the midst, whence some orator or brother- 
slave might address the meeting. The idea was to set 
on their tyrants, to give them a sound drubbing, and 
then to let them go. But it happened that three of 
the Sixth were stopping out; and meanwhile a rumour 
of the uprising was brought to Anstey's, where the three 
sick heroes lay. Delay was not to be thought of, and 
like Nicholson in the Punjaub, the doughty three arose 
from their beds or sofas, and, cane in hand, sallied forth 
to execute vengeance dire. Dashing undaunted into the 
midst of the mob, they laid about them so stoutly that 
in a trice all the malcontents had clean disappeared, and 
the table was left a solitary witness to the frustrated plot. 

Another small " row " occurred a couple of years 
before the Fags 1 Rebellion. 2 One day rumour ran rife 
that something disgraceful had been done ; shops robbed, 
or what not. There was a suppressed excitement at first 
calling-over, as the praepostors walked up and down the 
middle of Big School, keeping silence. The Head-master, 
who was new to his work, entered with the master of 
1 ii. 188. 2 ii. 255. 


the week, and the head of the School called over ; while 
the praepostor of the week answered for one or another, 
" Absent with leave," " Sick-room, 11 " French or German 
list, 11 " Big Side. 11 When the Shell had passed through 
the door, and the Upper Fourth was about to be called 
over, the Master said, "In consequence of certain dis- 
graceful conduct (not specified) on the part of certain 
boys (not named), the whole town will be put out of 
bounds to the Lower School, including the Upper Fourth. 11 
This was a thunderclap : no visits to Frosfs, or Jacomfrs, 
or Webb's, or any of the tradesmen, without special leave ! 
And if a master caught a boy out of bounds, he would set 
500 lines of Virgil in a trice, or 250 of Homer, or lock him 
up for a half-holiday. Things were worse in WoolPs day, 
when to be caught out of bounds meant a birching ; but 
this was bad enough, in all conscience. The consequence 
was, that a gentle sibilant sound arose from the corners of 
the room, and swelled into an unmistakable hiss. " Thos " 
was sent packing off for block and birches ; all the boys 
were to be " coached " on the spot. The boys were then 
collected all together on one side of Big School, and those 
who hissed were called upon to walk over. About eighty 
went over, leaving sixty or so behind, feeling rather mean, 
though (with the exception of one or two cowards) they 
had taken no part in the hissing. The Head-master deci- 
mated these, and picked out every tenth man for execu- 
tion. A big bully was standing next the lad who tells 
the tale, and thinking he would be just a tenth man, 
forced the little boy to change places with him ; but it so 


happened that he had miscounted, and found himself one 
of the scapegoats after all. The eight boys chosen were 
then and there flogged publicly in Big School, contrary 
to all custom. 

When the boys reached their houses, six of the victims 
were at once " granted the liberties of the Fifth," and 
excused all fagging; while one of the cowards who had 
not owned up to hissing was flogged by his fellows until 
he wished he had. That same evening about a hundred 
of the Lower School and Upper Fourth, together with 
about half the Sixth, marched aggressively up and down 
the town. Next morning a master met a Lower School 
boy down by the Eagle, and in a most impressive tone 
set him one line of Virgil to write out by the end of the 
week. Praepostors called out " On ! " at the top of each 
street, the fags responded with " Thank you," and nobody 
took the slightest notice of the new rule. The Head- 
master had the good sense to let the matter drop, and 
soon, we may hope, retrieved his error. 

XIV 1 

1870-1874 THOMAS WILLIAM JEX-BLAKE, D.D., 1874- 
1887 JOHN PERCIVAL, D.D., 1887-1895 HERBERT 

IT is the first duty of an historian to be impartial ; and to 
write impartially of events within recent memory, while 
the actors in them are still living, is a thing difficult in 
any case, and sometimes impossible. This chapter will 
therefore be little more than a chronicle. Future his- 
torians will have abundant and most interesting material 
in the various school records, public and private, which it 
is to be hoped will be religiously preserved by the holders. 
On the resignation of Dr. Goulburn, the choice of the 
Trustees fell on Dr. Temple, 2 the present Archbishop of 

1 For the history of this period I acknowledge my indebtedness 
to the Books of the Big Side Levee and the Schoolhouse Fasti. Some 
"colour" may be found in the Sibyl for 1895, No. 23. 

2 Son of Octavius Temple. Balliol College, Oxford : matriculated 
Oct. 12, 1838, age 16 ; Blundell scholar, 1838-42 ; B.A., 1842 ; Fellow, 
1842-48 ; M.A., 1847 ; B.D. and D.D., 1858 ; mathematical and logic 
lecturer, junior dean, 1845 ; honorary Fellow of Exeter, 1885 ; select 
preacher, 1857 and 1872 ; Bampton lecturer, 1884 ; D.D. of St. 
Andrews, 1885 ; Chaplain-in-ordinary to the Queen, 1872 ; Bishop of 
Exeter, 1869-85 ; of London, 1885-96 ; Privy Councillor, Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 1896. 



Canterbury, who held his post at Rugby for eleven 
years. Dr. Temple improved the teaching of natural 
science (which had been introduced in the previous reign), 
and built in I860 a laboratory and other schools on 
the site of Sally HarrowelPs house. This block stands 
on the north side of the new quadrangle, adjoining old 
Big School. In 1865 an event took place which had been 
long looked forward to. A large elm, one of the finest in 
the Close, stood at the east end of the chapel. In order 
to lengthen the chapel, as it was proposed to do, this elm 
had to be got out of the way. As it would have been a 
thousand pities to cut the tree down, a contractor under- 
took to shift it from its place. Huge trenches were dug 
all round it, the roots were undercut, and ropes were 
fastened from the branches to pegs in the ground, in case 
it might fall. The whole neighbourhood of the tree 
looked like the skeleton of a gigantic umbrella. The 
huge mass supported on trucks, a deep trench was dug 
to its new resting-place, and rails laid down in it. All 
Rugby was agog to see the lord of the forest move. But 
the contractor did not contract for a raree-show, and 
accordingly, early in the morning of the first of Decem- 
ber, before the town was up, the tree was moved. It is 
pleasant to add that the migration did it no harm, and 
it still flourishes. 

In the internal arrangements of the School few 
changes were made. The practice of having parallel 
forms, first introduced by Dr. Tait, was continued ; and 
in 1863 scholarships were first offered for open competi- 


tion. In 1866 the custom of dividing the school year 
into two halves was abolished, and from that time Rugby, 
like the universities, had its three terms. More atten- 
tion began to be paid to physical comfort in the houses ; 
and in 1864 the inhabitants of the Schoolhouse came 
back to find the traditional steel forks gone for ever, 
and replaced by magnificent electro-plate. Among the 
changes introduced by Dr. Temple, that which excited 
most comment was the abolition of standing in goal. 
For the future, no-caps were not to be required to stand 
in goal except on the first day of the Sixth Match, in 
the Old Rugbeian Match, and on one other day there- 
after to be arranged. This momentous upheaval took 
place in 1859, and loud were the laments of old Rug- 
beians when they heard of it. No lament of the no- 
caps has been preserved to posterity. 

We learn incidentally that Tom Brown's School Days 
had already made Rugby famous. This book was pub- 
lished in 1857, and in 1860 a solemn ceremony took 
place. Mr. William Mills, of Connecticut, U.S.A., was 
aroused to such admiration by what he read in the story, 
that he deputed a friend, Mr. Henry Day, to cross the 
Atlantic and present in his name a large flag of crimson 
velvet to the Schoolhouse. But another event, still 
more impressive, befell in Dr. Temple's mastership. In 
1867 it was his lot to celebrate the Tercentenary of the 
founding of Rugby School. In the same year was begun 
the block of schools forming the New Quadrangle. 

It is worthy of remark how many of Dr. Templets 


assistants were drafted off' to take charge of other schools. 
In 1862 the Rev. Charles Evans was elected Head-master 
of King Edward's School, Birmingham ; the Rev. A. G. 
Butler went to Haileybury, and the Rev. J. Percival 
became the first Head-master of Clifton College. On 
his resignation in 1878 another Rugby master, Rev. 
J. M. Wilson, took his place. In 1868 Mr. A. W. Potts 
left to be Head-master of Fettes College, Edinburgh, 
where he made himself a name among the most distin- 
guished of his profession. In 1869 the Rev. T. W. 
Jex-Blake became Principal of Cheltenham College, and 
the Rev. E. W. Benson (who was afterwards Archbishop of 
Canterbury) became Head-master of Wellington College. 
A few years later Mr. J. S. Phillpotts departed for 
Bedford, Mr. F. E. Kitchener for Newcastle, the Rev. 
J. Robertson for Haileybury. Take these in conjunc- 
tion with the Rugby masters who had previously been 
elected to other schools, and with Rugby boys no less 
distinguished, and it is clear that the influence of Rugby 
upon English schools has been great. And at the period 
in question, the influence of Rugby meant the influence 
of Thomas Arnold. 

In 1869 Dr. Temple made his farewell to Rugby. 
At the farewell sermon an interesting company was 
gathered, which included Thomas Hughes and his brother 
George, Dean Stanley, Matthew Arnold, and two other 
sons of Dr. Arnold. The chapel in which they met was 
substantially the same in which Dr. Arnold had poured 
out his heart week after week ; and what made the 


scene more memorable was that this building, so full of 
memories for those present, was soon to disappear. 

In 1861 the Public Schools Commission was appointed, 
and its Report, issued in 1864, gives the fullest infor- 
mation as to the state of Rugby School at the time. 
Much praise is given to the mode of instruction, and 
of the system of government by praepostors l it is said : 
"It has largely assisted, we believe, to create and keep 
alive a high and sound tone of feeling and opinion, has 
promoted independence and manliness of character, and 
has rendered possible that combination of ample liberty 
with order and discipline which is among the best char- 
acteristics of our great English schools." The practice 
of fagging is also upheld in the main, though some modi- 
fications are suggested. 

As one result of the Commission by the Public Schools 
Act of 1868, the constitution of the School was complete!} 
reorganised. 2 The duties of the Trustees from hence- 
forward ceased as far as management of the School was 
concerned. They still continued to exist as the Trustees 
of Rugby Charity, and the property of the endowment 
(except the School itself) was, and is, vested in them ; but 
their part is to manage the property and to receive the 
rents, which (after deducting expenses) are then handed 
over to the Governing Body. The Lord-Lieutenant of 
the County of Warwick is chairman ex officio, and one 

1 Page 43. For arrangement of classes and work, see pp. 236 ff. 

2 See Rugby School Statutes : A. J. Lawrence, Rugby. Approved by 
the Queen in Council, Aug. 9, 1871. 


member is elected by Oxford, one by Cambridge, and 
one each by the Royal Society, the Lord Chancellor, the 
Masters of the School, and the Trustees of the Charity. 
Two meetings at least are held in each year, and five 
make a quorum. The school land and buildings are 
vested in them. With them lies also the election of a 
Head-master, and the decision concerning number, rank, 
position, and emoluments of the assistants. By the same 
Act it was provided that the old Foundationers should be 
gradually done away with ; and in order to provide for 
the needs of the town according to the intent of the 
Founder, a subordinate school was established, of which 
more anon. Regulations were laid down providing for 
major and minor scholarships to be held in the School, 
and for the leaving exhibitions to the universities. Three 
major and four minor exhibitions, of 60 and ^30 re- 
spectively, tenable for four years, are awarded every year. 
As regards emoluments, the Head-master has a house of 
80 or 90 boys rent free, and receives the entrance fees, 
and a capitation fee of 1 per term for each boy in the 
School, up to a maximum of 450 boarders and 50 day 
boys. The fifteen senior masters receive =500 a year, 
with d100 more if they have no boarding-house ; in 
addition to which they have a capitation fee of \ a 
year for every boy above the number of 300 up to a 
maximum of 500. The remainder of the statutory 
masters (it being necessary by statute that there should 
be one master for every 20 boys, including the Head- 
master) receive as their salary 4*50 a year. The board- 


ing-house masters can hold a house for not more than 
fifteen years, and not after the term in which they 



~~ -"// h ' 



(Drawn by Miss //. M. James, from a photograph by Geo. A. Dean.} 

become sixty years of age. Such is the present consti- 
tution ; but it should be observed that vested rights are 
respected, and that masters who were in the School before 
1887 fall under a separate scheme. 


The Subordinate School, or, as it is commonly called, 
the Lower School, was opened in 1878, its first Head- 
master being an old Rugbeian, Mr. H. T. Rhoades. The 
Head-master is appointed by the Head-master of Rugby 
School, with the concurrence of the Governing Body, but 
he appoints his own assistants. The boys are charged a 
small fee, but there are two free scholars appointed every 

The Head-master next appointed was Dr. Hayman, 1 
who had already been Head -master of St. Olave^s School, 
Southwark, of the Cheltenham Grammar School, and of 
Bradfield College. During his short mastership the new 
scheme for the government of the School came into opera- 
tion, and in 1871 the first Governing Body, as distinct 
from the Trustees, was appointed. 

A good deal of building was done during Dr. Hayman's 
stay. Funds collected by the friends and pupils of Dr. 
Temple were devoted to the enlargement of the chapel, 
and to the erection of new schools and the Temple 
Observatory. The architect was Mr. Butterfield, and the 
buildings must be seen to be appreciated. In 1872 the 
enlarged chapel was consecrated by the Bishop of Wor- 
cester, and two windows of stained glass put up in memory 

1 Son of P. D. Hayman, of London. St. John'^ College, Oxford : 
matriculated Jan. 28, 1841, age 18 ; scholar, 1841-44 ; Fellow, 1844-45 ; 
B.A., 1845; M.A., 1849; B.D., 1854; D.D., 1870; assistant master at 
Charterhouse, 1852-55 ; Head-master of St. Glare's, 1855-59 ; of Chel- 
tenham Grammar School, 1859-68 ; of Bradfield College, 1868-69 ; 
assistant preacher at the Temple, 1854-57 ; Rector of Addingham, Lan- 
cashire, 1874 ; honorary Canon of Carlisle, 1884. Alumni Oxonienscs. 

(From a photograph by . H. Speight. Rugby.} 

To face page 305. 


of Mr. Buckoll and Mr. Hutchinson, who had lately 
died. In the same year the new schools were opened, 
those, that is, which form the new quadrangle; and 
the gymnasium, begun in the previous year, was 

In 1874 Dr. Hayman resigned, and he was succeeded 
by Dr. Jex-Blake, 1 the first old Rugbeian who had been 
chosen into this post since the passing of the Act of 1777 
At school Dr. Jex-Blake had won the Crick run in 1850 ; 
his time (l h 24') was the record until it was bettered by 
two minutes in 1863. He left a' memorial behind him 
on one of those " little tables," which reads thus : 

Sanctford and Blake, 

Jolly good fellows, and no mistake. 

This table is shown in our illustration ; the distich is on 
the left, near the middle, very small. The first name has 
been " dished," or cut out by some later hand. Dr. Jex- 
Blake left other memorials behind him when he finally 
departed from Rugby, in his generous gifts to the School, 
one of which is the familiar " tosh " or swimming-bath. 

Dr. Jex-Blake made one change in the administration 
of the School, by introducing a regular evening prepara- 
tion in Hall for the lower boys (1874). Previously this 
had been done or not as a house master pleased. In some 

1 Son of T. S. Blake, London. University College, Oxford : matri- 
culated March 21, 1851, age 19; scholar, 1851; B.A., 1855; Fellow 
of Queen's, 1855-58; M.A., 1857; B.D. and D.D., 1873; Principal of 
Cheltenham College, 1868-74 ; assistant master at Rugby, 1858-68 ; 
Rector of Alvechurch, 1886 ; Dean of Wells. 



houses only the master spent " a certain part of the even- 
ing in the boys' hall, at his own work, thus effectually 
preventing those undesirable congregations of bigger and 
idler boys round the fires, and being at hand to give 
any reasonable help." 1 The new system prevented these 
undesirable congregations still more effectually. In 1876 
the Head-master presented the School with their " tosh," 
in the Close ; the Temple Reading-Room and Art 
Museum was built in 1878; and in 1883 the New 
Racquet Court was built. Dr. Jex-Blake also did 
much to encourage the study and appreciation of art 
in the School, and enriched the museum with many 
gifts. In 1886, shortly before his resignation, a Modern 
side was started. In the same year the "little tables" 
in the Sixth School were exchanged for desks, and the 
tops of the tables fixed upon the walls. 

In 1884 BoehnTs beautiful monument to Dean Stanley 
was put up in the chapel. In the following year (1885) 
the block of buildings was commenced which contains 
New Big School and a number of class-rooms. The 
Big School is provided with a fine organ, and on the 
walls are hung the pictures of former Head-masters or 
those who were educated at Rugby. In the same year 
Caldecotfs was added to the school playing-grounds. 

The Head-master next appointed was Dr. Percival. 2 

1 The Public Schools, p. 394. 

2 Son of William Percival, of Brough, Westmoreland. Queen's 
College, Oxford : matriculated June 22, 1854, age 19 ; tabarder, 1854- 
58; B.A., 1858; Fellow, 1858-63; M.A., 1861; select preacher, 1882; 
Head-master of Clifton, 1862-78 ; Prebendary of Exeter, 1871-82 ; 



Like his predecessor, Dr. Percival had been an assistant 
master at Rugby. In 1888 the Drawing School was 

(Drawn by Miss H. M. fames, from a photograph by Geo. A. Dean.} 

built, and in 1889 the Rugby School Home Mission 
was founded. In 1895 Mr. Benn, an old Rugbeian, left 

President of Trinity, 1878-87 ; Canon of Bristol, 1882-87 ; Bishop of 
Hereford, 1895. Alumni Oxonienses. 


by his will forty-three acres of land on the Hillmorlon 
Road, to be added to the school playing-fields. No 
other outward changes belong to the Head-mastership 
of Dr. Percival, and the system of school work went on 
much the same as before. The chronicle must accord- 
ingly pass on to its last entry, the appointment of 
Dr. James l in 1895. Since Dr. James's appointment a 
further enlargement of the chapel has been begun, and is 
now nearly finished. This has been done in memory of 
the Rev. P. Bowden Smith, who was for forty-three years 
a master at Rugby School. 

There would be no interest in chronicling the mere 
university successes of these forty years. Suffice it to 
say, there is no falling off in number or quality. If there 
are not so many in this period who have attained a last- 
ing fame, the reason is that the time has been too short. 
The giants of previous generations still live and flourish, 
and long may it be so : when the time shall come for 
them to hang up their arms in the temple, other Rug- 
beians will be ready to take their places. However, in 
public life Rugby has a permanent Under-Secretary of 
State for India in Sir Arthur Godley, 2 K.C.B. ; and one 
of his schoolfellows, W. Lee Warner, 3 has filled several 
posts of importance under the Indian Government ; while 

1 Son of David James, of Kirkdale, Lancashire. Jesus College, 
Oxford : matriculated May 27, 1863, age 18 ; Scholar of Lincoln, 1864- 
67; B.A., 1867; Fellow of St. John's, 1869; M.A., 1870; B.D., 1874; 
Lecturer and Dean of Arts, 1871 ; Dean of St. Asaph, 1886 ; Principal 
of Cheltenham College, 1889-95 ; D.D., 1895. Alumni Oxonienses. 

2 Entered 1862. 3 Entered 1859. 

a ^ 


M ^ 


3 ^ 



Sir Robert Phayre l is well known in British India. Mr. 
W. Mansfield 2 was Under-Secretary for War in Mr. 
Gladstone's Parliament of 1886, and the Right Hon. 
A. H. Dyke Acland is one of thirty or more Rugbeians 
in the present House of Commons. It is interesting to 
see the name of Goschen recurring in the later records 
of Rugby, and the sons following in their father's foot- 
steps. Mr. H. O. Arnold-Forster, 3 a grandson of the 
great Head-Master, has deserved well of his country 
for his efforts on behalf of army and navy. Lastly may 
be mentioned another who bears an honoured name, 
Austen Chamberlain. 4 Besides these, Rugbeians are to 
be found in all branches of the diplomatic service, in 
the Indian Civil Service, the Public Works Department, 
and the Government offices. Several of the younger 
generation have been travellers. It is not necessary to 
do more than mention that mighty Nimrod, F. C. Selous, 5 
whose explorations and huntings began in his school- 
days. Mr. Tyrwhitt-Drake 6 had explored the desert 
of El Tih, and had done good work in the survey of 
western Palestine, before he died in 1870, not twenty- 
five years old. Quite a company of old Rugbeians took 
part in the solar expedition sent to Sicily by the Govern- 
ment in 1870 ; and recently Mr. P. M. Sykes 7 has been 
doing excellent work, in a quite unobtrusive manner, 
on the Beloochee frontier and in Persia. Painting and 
architecture have also claimed their votaries, and the stage 

1 Entered 1865. 2 Entered 1869. 3 Entered 1869. 

4 Entered 1878. 5 Entered 1866. 6 Entered 1859. 

7 Entered 1882. 


owes Rugby her W. F. Hawtrey. In the department of 
letters not only has Rugby a voice speaking through the 
Times, but she helps to take care of the national collections 
of manuscripts, the records, and the wills in Somerset 
House. Professor Napier 1 teaches English to young 
Oxford, and has besides a European reputation; Pro- 
fessor York Powell 2 is known as a historian and Norse 
scholar ; Mr. H. G. Hart 3 has long presided over the 
welfare of Sedbergh School. It remains to mention one 
strange and original genius, the late Charles Howard 
Hinton, 4 whose books contain so much that is illuminat- 
ing, and so much that seems unintelligible. Some Rug- 
beians have written about their country's , laws, and 
others have done their best to administer them; scores 
of parishes have taken a Rugbeian for incumbent, and 
the see of Chester has gained a Rugbeian bishop. 5 As 
for the services, Rugbeians have been found everywhere 
from Afghanistan to Zululand, from Lord Roberts's 
march upon Kandahar to Sir Herbert Kitchener's attack 
on Atbara. If there are no names which call for special 
mention, this is because they are all so good that none 
can fairly be singled out. For the rest, the last forty 
years have not given the soldier or sailor a fair chance ; 
and it is safe to prophesy, that when England has to face 
the enemies who seem to be bent upon her destruction, 
Rugbeians will not fall short of the standard which their 
forerunners have set. 

1 Entered 1867. 2 Entered 1864. 3 Entered 1858. 

4 Entered 1869. Author of Scientific Romances, The Fourth Dimen- 
sion, &c. 5 F. J. Jayne, entered 1859. 



IN this chapter we have to trace the history of those school 
institutions which the boys have themselves established. 
These show most truly whether a school is alive or no, 
and how far the system of instruction has succeeded in its 
main object of training boys to think, learn, and act for 
themselves. The development of schools is often one- 
sided. Some deify the athlete, or make a Moloch of their 
games ; others foster the bookish theoric, and lose sight 
of bodily health and training. The public schools do 
not generally err in the latter direction, and Rugby is 
fortunate in not leaning so much as some schools to the 

" Reading maketh a full man ; conference a ready 
man; and writing an exact man," said one who knew 
well what he was speaking of. Bacon would have been 
pleased to find all these three things cultivated in Rugby 
School. In the Temple Reading-Room and Library, and 
in the Arnold Library, he would have found excellent col- 
lections of books, both ancient and modern. Here we find 
not only all the standard books of reference dealing with 
classical subjects, and the best editions of classical authors, 

(From an etching by E.J. Burrow.} 

To face page 312. 


but the masterpieces of modern literature. Footsteps to 
Mrs. Trimmer appear no longer, and the History of Little 
Jack) so " full of goodness," has fallen into oblivion ; but 
there is plenteous store of books to be tasted, books to be 
swallowed, and most of those few which are worthy to be 
chewed and digested. Would any man become wise ? 
here are histories to make him so. Would any become 
witty ? poets are here. He that would be subtle has the 
mathematics ; he that would be deep, natural philosophy ; 
he that would make him able to contend, may read logic 
and rhetoric, and the great orators of his own country. 
The daily papers give him news of all that is happening 
in the world ; the literary journals help to form his taste ; 
even milk for babes is here in the illustrated magazines. 

When the would-be orator has chewed and digested 
what he will, the Debating Society 1 is ready with its con- 
ference to sharpen a present wit. Since its foundation the 
constitution of the Society has undergone a few changes, 
but of no great moment. The meetings are now held on 
each alternate Saturday evening during the two winter 
terms. They used to take place sometimes in the after- 
noon, and on other days than Saturday, but in process 
of time the present arrangement survived as being the 
fittest. It is now usual for a master to be President, 
although at first the whole thing was managed by mem- 
bers of the School. A prize was formerly given to the 

1 I acknowledge indebtedness to the Records of the Debating Society. 
Full reports are given in the earlier volumes ; subjects and names 
later. See also an article on the " Debating Society " in the New Rug- 
beian, iii. 147. 


best speaker of the term, or for an essay on some subject 
chosen, by the officers of the Society. A small subscrip- 
tion has always been customary, supplemented by a poll- 
tax when need arose. Fines were, and still may be, inflicted 
for refusing to submit to the chairman's ruling, or for any 
disturbance made, and also for continued absence from 
the meetings. The officers were at first a President, two 
Vice-Presidents, a Secretary and pro-Secretary, and a 
Gentleman Usher. 1 At present there is only one Vice- 
President, and one Secretary, who also acts as Treasurer. 
Elections formerly held good for a month only, but since 
1870 for the term. The President takes the chair ; the 
Secretary calls out] members' names when a vote is asked ; 
the Usher makes all practical arrangements for the meet- 
ing, and turns out refractory members. Only the Upper 
School is eligible for membership. All applicants for 
admission must be proposed and seconded by members of 
the Society, and voted on by ballot : a certain proportion 
of black balls exclude, varying at different periods from 
one in five to one in three, the present rule. Masters are 
honorary members, but do not vote ; old Rugbeians are 
also honorary members, but formerly they might have to 
submit to a ballot. Visitors may be admitted, but neither 
do they vote. Soon after the foundation of the society 
a practice grew up of arranging the subjects for the 
half year at its commencement, and then printing them 
for members. There is the usual monotony about many of 
these subjects. The virtues or iniquities of her Majesty's 
1 This term first appears in 1869. 


Government, capital punishment, limited monarchy v. re- 
publicanism, have a perennial interest ; and at intervals 
which a statistician would find instructive, the Ghost 
reappears, and King Charles's head comes into the me- 
morial. But the residue shows a wide interest in history 
and in literature, as we should expect when the speakers 
are such as Bo wen, Waddington, and T. H. Green. On 
the whole, the Society, like most school societies, has been 
strongly conservative ; yet any motion appealing to gene- 
rosity or pity, even though radical, is sure to be popular. 
One or two practical rules are worth mentioning. It is 
always a difficulty to find subjects for debate ; hence the 
officers of the Society are obliged to provide them if no 
one else does. It is sometimes difficult to find speakers ; 
accordingly the proposer has to find some one to oppose 
him. The proposer was formerly elected at each meeting 
for the next, and called the Minister : he had to provide 
a ministry and an opposition. Meetings sometimes fall 
flat, and " Herr Major bezahlt seine Schulden " ; to pre- 
vent which, no meeting can be announced unless six mem- 
bers have promised to speak. If any member promises, 
and yet is dumb, he is fined half-a-crown. Much interest 
is taken in the debates, which are often thronged. On 
one occasion came thirty-nine visitors not belonging to 
the School ; but it so happened that on that night there 
were not the necessary two-thirds of the members pre- 
sent, and a count-out followed. Occasionally half the 
Middle School will put in an appearance, attracted by 
some sensational subject or favourite orator ; as when the 


fags came in a _body to hear a debate about their own 
abolition. The place of debate was formerly the Sixth 
School, now usually the schoolroom of the Lower Bench ; 
but when a great concourse is expected, Old Big School 
or even New Big School is used now and then. 

Such as wish to become exact men may try to get 
elected into that select club called Eranos. This consists 
of twelve members, who fill up vacancies by co-opting, and 
meet regularly to read papers, chiefly on literary subjects. 
Only members of the Sixth are eligible for Eranos. The 
Lower Bench has an Eranos of its own, not for writing, 
but for reading poets : here all of the proper status are 
welcome, and numbers are not limited. Or again, there 
are the school magazines. Besides the Meteor (1867-98), 
which makes no pretension to be more than a chronicle, 
there have been founded successively, and successively 
have died, the New Rugby Magazine (1864-65), the 
T. V. W. (1877-78), and the Leaflet (1883-86), and the 
Sibyl (1890-95). The latest born of this brood of the 
Muses is the Laurentian, which began in 1898. Several 
of these are illustrated from drawings made by members 
of the School. 

Thus refined by the society of Clio and Euterpe, one 
would imagine that young Rugby must pay some devo- 
tion to the sister Muses. Alas ! it is not so. Urania, it 
is true, has her shrine in the Temple Observatory, where 
a careful curator attends at stated times to show the 
stars through a telescope. Time was when Thalia at 
least, if not Melpomene, had her votaries ; but now they 



(Drawn by Miss H. M.James, from a photograph, by Geo. A. Dean.) 

receive but a scanty snuff of incense on Speech Day, which 
tends ever to become less and less. In Olympus they 
mourn over the golden age of Macready, and the silver 


age of the Schoolhouse Dramatic Society ; in this age of 
iron, Rugby cares for none of these things. As for 
Terpsichore, she seems to have retired into obscurity 
with the demolition of Dr. James's dancing-school nigh 
a century since. "These things are but Toys,"" writes 
Bacon, yet " acting in Song, especially in Dialogues, hath 
an extreme good grace." 

Music, however, is by no means neglected. Not only 
have we the house-singing, where the songs are certainly 
" loud," as our authority recommends, " not chirpings and 
pulings ; " but there is an orchestra of no mean repute, 
and a brass band. Moreover, quite a surprising number 
in the School learn to play on some musical instrument. 
Wind is generally a weak point in school orchestras ; but 
Rugby has clarionets and oboes, horns and trumpets 
ay, and a loud bassoon which makes many a listener 
beat his breast. Pepys would have been truly delighted 
with the woodwind. Rugby indeed is melodious with 
all manner of music ; and if lute or viol hung in the 
barber's shop, as they used to do in the days of good 
Queen Bess, hardly a lad but could turn his hand to 

Those who are interested in art or antiquities have an 
excellent School Museum whither they may resort. Here 
are to be seen original drawings of Michael Angelo, and 
others of the old masters ; of Turner, Lord Leighton, and 
some of the newer ; copies of famous paintings, and a 
splendid collection of photographs, which are constantly 
being changed. It would be impossible, without exceed- 


ing my space, to give any idea of this collection of photo- 
graphs, which includes the masterpieces of painting and 
sculpture both ancient and modern, English and foreign 
domestic architecture, Watts^s portraits, and a host of 
other things. There are casts in plaster of a number of 
Greek and Roman statues, of some mediaeval busts, and 
of the Gates of Ghiberti at Florence. There is also one 
real antique, a torso of Greek workmanship. Several 
cases contain Greek fictile vases, Greek and Roman glass, 
and Greek armour. Two bronze helmets deserve special 
mention : one unique, being shaped like a leather helmet 
with bosses, and one that was picked up in Asia Minor 
on the track of the Ten Thousand. Egyptian remains, 
methods of handicraft, ancient manuscripts, and early 
printed books add to the interest of the collection. Some 
local antiquities are old guns and pistols, and old buff 
jerkins, one of which was picked up on Naseby field, and 
shows by a sword- thrust through the back that its first 
owner ran away. On the staircase are casts of slabs from 
the Parthenon frieze, and the British Museum series of 
electrotype coins. Each year in the summer term there 
is a loan exhibition of paintings, collected at great cost 
and trouble, which cannot fail to do much in training the 
taste of the School. 

Perhaps the neglect of some of the Muses is explained 
by the vigour of the Natural History Society. We have 
good authority for believing that two bodies cannot occupy 
the same space, and in the affections of Rugby the space 
once filled by the drama is now filled by the Natural His- 


tory Society. The Society was founded in 1867, and has 
preserved Records continuously since that date. The first 
President was Mr. F. E. Kitchener, then a master, and one 
of its early members was F. C. Selous. A very liberal 
interpretation is put on the name. Not only are there 
sections which scour the woods and spinneys in search 
of flowers, plants, and butterflies ; not only does another 
part delve into the earth for her secrets; but there are 
who study with a noble zest the architecture and history 
of all the ancient buildings within reach of a bicycle or 
of an afternoon's journey by rail ; and others, again, make 
photography a fine art. In the bowels of the earth is a 
dark room, where washing and fixing goes on continually. 
Papers are read, lectures are delivered, lantern-slides are 
made and exhibited to an admiring world : in short, there 
is hardly a thing which this ubiquitous Society attempts 
not, nor attempting, performs. A just proportion is 
observed in the numerous expeditions ; the drier the 
study, the more luxurious is the tea, and everybody comes 
home radiant. Each year the Society publishes a Report, 
which gives an account of all its doings during the twelve 
months. There is a Vivarium belonging to the School, 
which contains both plants and animals ; most famous of 
which is the old Cockatoo. The Society has also its 
Museum, with the inevitable Egyptian mummy, and a 
good library of natural history books. 

But the school life is not all reading, writing, and 
conference, nor all natural history expeditions. No 
account of a public school would be complete without 


the games ; and although it is no purpose of mine to write 
a full history of them (which would in itself require a 
book), a sketch will be attempted in order to complete 
the picture. 

First comes football, because that is in all parts of 
the English-speaking world associated with the name of 
Rugby. 1 We have already seen the beginnings of foot- 
ball at Rugby, and how the distinctive feature of the 
Rugby game seems to have originated in the chance im- 
pulse of one boy. By degrees we have seen the practice 
of running with the ball become tolerated, and at last 
come into general use. In 1846 it was still not legal to 
pick up the ball from the ground, but it was legal to run 
in with the ball if it had been caught from the foot or on 
the bounce. When precisely the present rule for picking 
up the ball was first introduced is not known. A run in is 
regarded as a natural thing in the forties, 2 but in 1853 it 
was distinctly stated that to pick up a rolling ball was 
illegal. This rule, however, was constantly broken, so 
that the old Rugbeians expressed their annoyance at it. 3 
But the change came notwithstanding. Games played 
between a limited number of picked players, fifteen or 
twenty on a side, are said to have been first played about 
1840. 4 For a long time the only games played at Rugby 
were school games ; but on Saturday, November 16, 1867, 6 

1 See the pamphlet, Origin of Rugby Football, quoted before ; and 
Marshall's Football : the Rugby Union Game (Cassell, 1892). 
" Big Side Levte, Records, 1849. 

3 Big Side Leree, Dec. 8, 1857. 

4 Origin, p. 18. D Origin, p. 35. 

X * 


was played the first foreign match, between the School and 
a scratch team, twenty on each side. During the third 
quarter of this century most of the games were still school 
games, and many fanciful methods were taken to bring the 
players into all sorts of combinations. Besides the usual 
Big Side games, we find Dissyllables v. School, Patriarchs 
v. School, Anomalies v. School, A to K v. School, North 
v. South, and so on. Of the numbers on each side in 
these matches we have no hint; but in 1875 1 it was 
resolved at a Big Side Levee "that the School Foot- 
ball Team be fifteen instead of twenty. 17 Three or four 
years later a Levee of Caps decided that house matches 
should be played with fifteen a side, and one house match 
was actually so played. But Big Side Levee reversed the 
decision, and house matches continued to be played with 
twenties until 1881. About a year after this the rule was 
finally altered, and fifteens became the rule. Lastly, in 
1881, the year after the Rugby Union was founded, Union 
Rules were substituted for School Rules in the fifteen 
game. 2 The ball itself was originally of no fixed shape 
or size ; and it began to assume the familiar oblong 
about 1851. 

At present these rules are observed in all games 
except three in the year, which keep up the old tradition. 
These are the Sixth Match, when the Sixth present 
and past play the remainder of the Caps and any old 
Rugbeians who were not in the Sixth ; the Cock Houses, 
where fifteens of the Cock House and the next house 
1 Schoolhouse Fasti. 2 Schoolhouse Fasti. 


below play the rest of the Caps, old Rugbeians joining in 
as before on each side; and the Old Rugbeian Match, 
played by the School Caps against the old Rugbeians. 
In these three games you may still see football played 
with seventy or eighty on a side. These three matches, 
together with all foreign matches, bear the time-honoured 
title of Big Side. 

The football, with the rest of the games, is now 
managed by a Games Committee, 1 consisting of masters 
and boys. There is room on the playing-grounds for 
seventeen games to be played at once. The costume in 
former years was white duck trousers. Flannels were 
adopted in 1876, and knickerbockers in 1888, as the 
regular uniform. 2 At present the costume is strictly regu- 
lated as follows. The " distinctions " are : (1) flannels, 
with the right to wear the house crest on the straw hat ; 
(2) cap, with a house crest on the hat, football breeches, 
and the house crest on the jersey ; (3) the Fifteen colours, 
blue breeches, and school crest on a white jersey. Those 
who have no distinction play for their houses as Belows 
or Two Belows. Distinctions in football, as in other 
games, are resigned at the beginning of each term, save 
only the captain's. The captain then assigns such dis- 
tinctions as are earned by play in some game. Even the 
minor distinctions are given only by his authority, although 
in the case of house caps he usually follows the recom- 
mendation of the house captain. 

1 The first mention of a Games Committee is in 1853 (Big Side 
Levee Records). 2 Big Side Levee Records. 


In the early days of the Rugby game the Richmond 
Club l used to take a prominent place. When first formed, 
this club contained a large number of old Rugbeians, and 
in two or three years among the sixties, when the team 
contained twelve or thirteen old Rugbeians, it sustained 
no defeat. The game as then played must have presented 
an odd spectacle, with spectators crowding over the touch- 
line, and the wary half-back dodging in and out among 
them to the discomfiture of his foes. C. S. Dakyns was 
a well-known figure in these games, and another was the 
energetic secretary of the Old Rugbeian Society, Morris 
Davies. 2 Another name that won renown was that of 
D. P. Turner, 3 who played in the scrummage. When 
the papers began to take notice of the game, they were 
horribly shocked at the hacking that went on, and a 
crusade was begun against it. This is hardly to be 
wondered at if the story be true that in a Cock House 
Match at Rugby the forwards of the losing twenty were 
so severely punished that their house master " actually sat 
down on the grass and wept like a child." We should not 
make too much of this incident, however, for the gentle- 
man in question evidently had the gift of tears, and used 
to weep over a Greek play in form. 4 But the public, 
always so tender-hearted, was aroused to a bitter de- 
nunciation of football and all its works. There was 
nothing for it but to abolish hacking, and this was 
accordingly done by the Rugby Union, at the instance, 

1 Marshall, Football, p. 70. 2 Entered 1857. 

3 Entered 1859. 4 Marshall, p. 77. 



(Drawn by Miss H. M. James, from a photograph by Geo. A. Dean.} 

it is said, of Charles Darwin the younger. In the School, 
hacking over was not abolished till the third term of 
1876; hacking on the ball was still allowed, and only 


died out along with the twenty game. Notable players 
behind the scrummage were W. H. Sykes l and H. T. 
S. Yates. 2 Amongst the best forwards of the same period 
are mentioned W. C. Sherrard, 3 the Instructor in Forti- 
fications at Woolwich ; F. Stokes, 4 of Blackheath Club ; 
and E. C. Holmes, 5 of Richmond. When the Rugby 
Union was formed in 1871, three old Rugbeians A. 
Rutter, E. C. Holmes, and L. J. Morton drew up 
rules for it, which were accepted by the committee as 
they stood. 6 These were based on the Rugby School 
rules, but abolished hacking, modified and amplified the 
rules for off-side, punting-out was done away with, and 
the method of bringing out the ball for a try at goal 
was made more simple. All through the early years of 
the Union, Rugby men are found in prominent places, 
as President, Secretary, or what not. Since that time 
the proportion of Rugbeians has not been so great as 
formerly. This fact is not, as it might be deemed, a 
proof of inferiority : it merely shows that Rugby has 
succeeded in her mission. North, south, and west have 
been converted to the rules which originated from Rugby, 
and the choice of men is now far larger than it was at 
the beginning. 

Of cricket there is less to say, because this came 
from outside, instead of being developed from within. 
Cricket at Rugby School is now organised as follows. 
Any new boy under sixteen who shows promise is put 

i Entered 1863. 2 Entered 1860. 3 Entered 1863. 

4 Entered 1864. 5 Entered 1856. 6 Marshall, p. 81. 


in the Young Guard, which has its own special "ends" 
and professional. 1 Here the Young Guard practise until 
they are promoted to the Intermediate Ends or to New 
Big Side. In this place they get occasional coaching 
from the other professionals or the masters, as they 
are close to the nets of the Eleven and the Twenty- 
two. Each house has also nets of its own, so that there 
is ample opportunity for learning the game. By a wise 
rule of the School, boys are allowed in the cricket season 
to come into afternoon school dressed in flannels and 
blazer. They are thus able to play at odd times with far 
greater ease and comfort. Cricket distinctions are: (1) 
tie; (2) the Twenty-two cap of dark blue, with ribbon 
for the straw hat ; (3) School Eleven light-blue cap and 
shirt, with ribbon a very pretty uniform. Distinctions 
are allotted by the school captain, in the same way as 
in football. The houses now draw for games, except 
Belows, 2 which play on the League system. The first 
event of the year is a two-days 1 match at Lord^s against 
Marlborough, which takes place at the end of the summer 
term. The costume for cricket, as for all games, used 
to be white duck trousers, but the many played in their 
ordinary clothes. The Eleven wore flannels as early as 
1846 ; and in 1877 the Eleven, the Twenty-two, Belows, 
and Two Belows were allowed to wear them. 

It would be impossible, without taking up too much 

1 The first record of a professional is the appointment of John 
Lilly white as bowler, 1850 (Big Side Levee Records). 

2 Those who are " below " the Caps. The Belows and Two Belows 
answer to Second and Third Elevens in other schools. 


space, to mention all the first-rate cricketers who have 
come forth from Rugby during the last forty years. B. B. 
Cooper, 1 whose fame as a batsman almost rivalled that 
of Grace, was for long one of the Gentlemen of England. 
P. Case, 2 whose name is traditionally associated at Rugby 
with the goal called Case's Gallows, found leisure from his 
literary studies to play three years in the Oxford Eleven. 
E. Bowden Smith, 3 one of a family of athletes, played for 
the Oxford Eleven and the Gentlemen. E. M. Kenney 4 
and A. A. Bourne 5 earned fame as bowlers, each gaining 
his blue, the one at Oxford, the other at Cambridge. 
W. Yardley, 6 of Trinity College, Cambridge, is the only 
man who has made a score of two centuries in the Univer- 
sity Match. C. K. Francis 7 took ten wickets in one 
innings at the Marlborough Match of 1867, and after- 
wards played for Oxford. To come down to modern 
times, it would be hard to find a better cricketer than 
C. H. F. Leslie, 8 captain of the Oxford Eleven, and one of 
the Gentlemen. We can do no more than mention the 
name of Bradby, known of yore on the Oxford playing- 
fields, and still at the old School; and of Wilson, dis- 
tinguished in more than one generation of school and 
university cricketers. But Rugby cricketers have carried 
their torch to the uttermost parts of the earth. H. H. 
Castens, 9 for instance, became captain of the South African 
team, and for T. W. Wills 10 was reserved a lot still more 

1 Entered 1859. 2 Entered 1858. 3 Entered 1867. 

4 Entered 1854. 5 Entered 1865. 6 Entered 1863. 

7 Entered 1865. 8 Entered 1875. 9 Entered 1878. 

10 Entered 1851, 


remarkable. A good wind wafted him to the antipodes, 
where he so civilised the natives, that in 1868 he brought 
home an eleven of jet-black aborigines to play in Eng- 
land. Some of them rejoiced in the following euphonious 
names : Mullagh, Peter, Tiger, Red-Cap, Bullocky, Two- 
penny, Jim Crow, and Dick-a-Dick. Nor was it at all an 
eleven pour rire ; they played uncommonly well, and 
Mullagh at least is said (I know not with what truth) to 
have been equal to playing for his county, if he had had 
a county to play for. 

In other branches of athletics mention ought to be 
made of J. C. Gardner, 1 the well-known oarsman and 
sculler ; and of M. J. Brooks, 2 who in the University 
Sports cleared a high jump of 6 ft. 1J in. for Oxford. 
Others have rowed in the University Eight ; as H. 
Watney 3 and W. J. Pinckney, 4 both for Cambridge. 

Rugby possesses an excellent Volunteer Corps, forming 
F Company in the 2nd Volunteer Battalion, Royal War- 
wickshire Regiment. I have already spoken of the first 
Rugby Volunteers, who were enrolled when the descent 
of Bonaparte was expected upon the shores of England. 
With the destruction of the French fleets the fear of inva- 
sion ceased, and the Volunteers with it ; and the present 
corps was not founded until England was agitated a 
second time by the unfriendly menaces of France. Its 
beginning dates from 1860, when four companies of Rifles 
were enrolled, with eight officers, all being boys in the 

1 Entered 1879. 2 Entered 1869. 

3 Entered 1858. 4 Entered 1860. 


School. Their uniform is depicted in the first pages of 
the Record Books. It is of a sober colour, trousers, tunic, 
and belt, with a tall sloping cap of the familiar " rifle- 
man " type. They no longer use wooden swords in tin 
sheaths, but carry " musket " and bayonet. The organi- 
sation was soon after changed to two companies with six 
officers, and so it remained for some time. Regular drills 
were instituted, at first every day, and there were fre- 
quent marches out. In 1861, the first year of the Public 
Schools Competitions at Wimbledon, the shooting team 
won the Challenge Shield, and for many years (the year 
1867 alone excepted) they were in the first three for that 
event. The Shield was again won in 1894 ; and on various 
occasions other prizes were carried off the Spencer Cup 
twice, the Cadets 1 Trophy, and the Veterans 1 Trophy. In 
1889, when the Spencer Cup was first won, Captain G. 
Richardson, the winner, won also the Persian Gold Medal, 
given yearly by one of the Ministers of the Shah. In 1868 
masters first appear as officers, and it has been ever since 
the rule that some of the officers at least should be 
masters. A. P. Humphrey 1 won the Queen's Prize at 
Wimbledon in 1871. The corps at present numbers 
about 260 of all ranks ; as there are 574 in the School, 
this means that nearly half the School are enrolled 
in it. It includes a captain, two lieutenants, and 
three cadet officers. About once in three weeks there 
is a march out ; and field - days are often arranged 
in conjunction with other schools, not to mention 
1 Entered 1863. 


the Public Schools Review at Aldershot. On these 

Nodding their heads, before them goes 
The merry minstrelsy, 

in the shape of a powerful brass band. It should be 
noted that the members from each boarding-house form 
a section or sub-section, so that sections are complete 
permanent units. Hence much responsibility in dealing 
with the rank and file lies with the non-commissioned 
officers. Promotions from private to lance-corporal are 
made on the recommendation of the house sergeant. 
The School has its own rifle range, with canvas targets 
working on the newest principles, and telephonic com- 
munication between the markers and the firing points. 
There is continual practice, both at these and with the 
Morris tube. Twice in the year competitions are held 
among the various house sections, the successful squads 
holding challenge shields or other trophies. These are 
(1) in manual and firing exercise, motions of the rifle 
on the march, and bayonet exercise ; (2) for the best 
dressed squad ; (3) for general efficiency, including at- 
tendance at drill, and a tactical exercise carried out by 
squads of twelve, with a non-commissioned officer in 

We have seen that the first school fire-engine was 
bought in 1780, and in 1822 l another was bought in 
its place. At that time Rugby town had no fire-engine, 

1 Order of July 9, 1822. 


and there is little doubt that the school engine was not 
only meant for use, but in the early part of this century 
was actually used. Many small fires have occurred since 
then, as we learn from passing allusions. Others, more 
or less serious, have occurred 1 in 1860, when Smythies" 
house suffered; in 1865, at Mr. Blake's; in 1885, at the 
Schoolhouse : in 1886, when twelve studies were de- 
stroyed at Mr. Whitelaw's; and at the Schoolhouse, in 
1895. On these latter occasions outside help was ob- 
tained when necessary ; but there has been a regular Fire 
Brigade in the School since 1892, possessing an engine 
and a fire-escape. So far the efforts of this new Brigade 
have been confined to practice. Sleepers have been 
suddenly shot down from their happy couches through 
the fire-escape ; and a nightly visitor to the school build- 
ings may sometimes be alarmed by seeing the members 
climb in at the upper windows to pour imaginary water 
upon a fictitious flame. 

There are two School Missions. The earlier, founded 
in memory of Henry Watson Fox, has already been 
mentioned. The second takes the appropriate form of 
boys 1 clubs in Notting Hill, London, and in Birming- 
ham, The clubs are open to boys of twelve years and 
upwards, and provide amusement or educational classes 
for them in the evenings. Occasionally a party of these 
boys is brought down to Rugby to visit the School, 
and they are there entertained and amused by residents. 

Of the athletic sports not much need be said. In 
1 Schoolhouse Fasti. 


1853 the Games being "considered a national interest," 
a Games Committee was appointed, which drew up 
rules for athletic sports. 1 These had taken place pre- 
viously, but there is no earlier record of them. The 
events were : flat races of 200 yards, hurdle races of the 
same length, a quarter-mile hurdle race, a mile and a 
quarter-mile flat race, running wide jump, standing high 
jump, vaulting, throwing the cricket ball, hand-fives, 
place kick, and drop, swimming and diving. Expenses 
were met by a subscription of the whole School. The 
sports now take place yearly in the Lent term, and call 
for no special remark. 

Mention has often been made of the Cock House. 2 
This is "a term of no great antiquity in the School. 
In early times, that is to say from 1790 or thereabouts 
(for we have no certain information about the matter 
before that date), it was a coveted distinction to be 
Cock of the House or Cock of the School. If any 
boy was acknowledged by all to be the best man all 
round, the title would be his. If there were more 
than one candidate, we do not know how the question 
was decided. Probably, however, the final appeal lay 
before the Court of Club-Law; in other words, the 
aspirants fought it out until one gave in. When 
football began to be organised, the Schoolhouse would, 
from its size, naturally be more than a match for any 
other house ; hence arose the great contest of the School- 

1 Big Side Levee Records. 

2 See Origin of R. P., pp. 41-44. 


house against the School, called the Schoolhouse Match. 
House matches were not played at that time, and when 
there seemed " no great disparity " between the School- 
house and the School, it would have been absurd for 
one of the other houses to challenge the Schoolhouse. 
Towards the end of the forties the scale began to turn. 
In 1850, for the first time in history, the Schoolhouse 
played against a single house, and they were beaten by 
Cotton's (now Payne Smith's), which claimed the title 
of Cock House. In 1851 Shairp's (now extinct) and 
Anstey's played the School. 1 In 1852 Shairp's beat 
the Schoolhouse, and for the three years following there 
was a fierce struggle between the two houses for the 
headship. Henceforward we find other houses winning 
the first place, and it is clear that there must have been 
some system of challenges, if not yet a general scheme 
of house matches, such as was formulated in 1867. 2 The 
Schoolhouse has been seventeen times Cock House since 
1850, not counting draws ; but the other houses have 
long been sufficiently large to make a good game out 
of the event. 

The Big Side runs still hold their place in Rugby, 
and are run mostly after football is over in the Lent term. 
In all of them the course is now fixed, and the records of 
winner and time have been kept for the last sixty years or 
so. These records are set down in the Big Side Books, 
and these are held by the Holder of Big Side Bags, the two 
bags in which the scent is carried. Since the foundation 
1 Big bide Levee Records. a Big Side Levee Records. 


of the Running Eight (which is quite modern) the Holder 
has always been head of the Eight as a matter of course, 
and keeps office so long as he is in the School. When he 
leaves he hands on the Books and the Bags to a suc- 
cessor. The captains of the Eleven and the Fifteen keep 
similar books. Most of the runs combine a road-course 
with a course across fields, and there is, besides the runs 
proper, a good deal of " brook-jumping " ; but in neither 
case is the strain on the rank and file anything like so 
heavy as in the old days of fencing and leaping across 

The most famous of the Big Side runs is the Crick, 
which (like football) has had its vates sacer. 1 The other 
runs are: 2 Barby Hill (about 6J miles), Barby village (8J), 
Bilton (nearly 5), Churchover (6J), Coton House (5J), 
Harborough Magna (6J), Hillmorton, Lawford (5f), 
Lilbourne and Catthorpe, Shawell (7 T \), Thurlaston (6|-), 
Willoughby and Woolscote (about 8 miles). This, it will 
be seen, covers a good deal of country ; and as there are 
runs in all weathers, it is an excellent thing for the health. 
The houses also organise Little Side runs on their own 
account, for practice. In 1881 a Running Cup was pre- 
sented to the School, to be won by the house which scored 
the most points during the season. There was no limit to 
the number of boys a house might send in, but each house 
was obliged to send two for every run. A system of 

1 Above, p. 271 ; and Recoil, of Rugby, p. 135. 

2 For details as to course and records, see Rugby School Big Side 
Runs (Rugby : Lawrence, 1893). 


scoring was devised in 1882 at a meeting of House Bags, 
by which the winner scored 60 + 1, and one off for every 
ten seconds behind ; the hares (who carry bags filled with 
paper for "scent") being allowed one minute. For the 
Crick all these figures were doubled. In 1883 each house 
was limited to eight representatives. But it was found 
that the system tended to put too great a strain upon the 
average boy, and so, after some further changes, the whole 
system was abolished in 1892 by the Games Committee. 
For a year or two the Running Cup went to the house 
of the winner of the Crick. Of late years the School has 
run against some foreign teams, as the Thames Hare and 
Hounds Club, and Oxford University Hare and Hounds 
Club. There is now a Running Eight, whose captain is ex 
officio Holder of Big Side Bags. Houses have also since 
1881 their Running Eights, which run against each other. 
Rugby is fortunate in still keeping up this once popular 
sport, which in many schools seems to be dying or dead. 

We now come to the constitution of the School Common- 
wealth. The Sixth Form (now no longer called praepostors) 
are the great potentates of the School; and their place 
in it ensures that power shall be in the hands of those who 
are not only fitted by bodily strength for the mastery, but 
are, on the whole, an "aristocracy selected by merit." 
Occasionally one or another in some form below the Sixth 
is given " Sixth power," if he has proved himself worthy 
of it, or if there are not enough of the Sixth in any 
house. It sometimes happens, of course, that one or two 
are too weak in character for their position ; but the whole 



body loyally upholds the authority of all its members, and 
on the whole the system works well. The Sixth are re- 
sponsible to the Head-master for the use of their powers, 
and an appeal lies to him, though it is very unlikely to 
be used except in case of gross tyranny. Their disci- 
plinary powers include the right of caning and setting 
impositions. The caning is done in the houses, and the 
Schoolhouse uses the Fifth Form Room. The Sixth are 
expected to support law and order in the School by 
example and precept. A breach of school rules by one of 
them would be a serious offence, and would lead (if wilful 
or gross) to loss of Sixth power for a time, or to removal 
from the School. They read the lessons in chapel by 
rotation, carry round the bags for the offertory, and 
" walk," that is, keep order, at calling-over in Big School. 
In the houses they are responsible for the general dis- 
cipline in studies and dormitories. In case of need a 
levee may be called, which may be a School Levee, a 
Big Side Levee of the Upper School (the Sixth, the 
Twenty, and the two Fifths), a Sixth Form Levee, 
or a House Levee. The chief rules for conduct of Big 
Side Levees are as follows : l (1) All members of the 
Upper School must attend ; (2) the head of the School 
is chairman ex officio ; (3) each member has one vote, 
and the chairman a casting vote ; (4) no voting by proxy 
is allowed; (5) the chairman may refuse to hold a levee 
or to put a motion, but an appeal lies to the Sixth Form 
Levee or to the Head -master; (6) notice of motions 
1 Schoolhouse Fasti, 1885 ; earlier rules in Levte Records. 




must be previously given to the chairman ; (7) no excep- 
tion to a standing rule can be passed without two-thirds 
majority of those present; (8) a fine of sixpence is in- 
flicted for absence without reasonable excuse ; (9) its 
resolutions can veto those of the School Levee, or Foot- 
ball Committee, or any committee appointed by itself. 

In 1844 stringent rules were laid down by the Sixth 
Form Levee, that all boys, the Sixth included, should 
remain in the Close during a match. The gates were 
kept by the six praepostors of the week preceding, or 
their substitutes. The penal discretion allowed to the 
Sixth Form was at first very great, and as many as 
sixty cuts had been inflicted at a Sixth licking. The 
number was limited to twelve by Goulburn in 1854, 
and, in spite of several appeals, the restriction was con- 
firmed by his successors. Besides punishments, they give 
rewards on occasion. In 1845, for example, "the free- 
dom of the Fifth [i.e. immunity from all fagging] was 
presented to Berkeley, on account of his heroic conduct 
in saving the life of Sandford mi., at Swifts." A similar 
honour was done to Gregory in 1848, for saving the 
life of Cramer. Other subjects which occupy the atten- 
tion of this Levee are the School Magazines, whose editors 
they appoint, and the Island. This, as we have seen, 
was, of old, privileged ground, upon which none but the 
Sixth had a right to go. The privilege appears to have 
been extended to the Twenty and the Fifth, and all 
these forms contributed what was necessary to keep it in 
proper condition. The Upper Middle had also to pay 


towards the Island and the Bath, 1 yet had no right to 
enter; so in 1847 they sent in a petition for redress of 
grievances. The Upper Middles were accordingly given 
the option of paying or not as they chose, and each 
member of the Sixth was authorised to admit to the Island 
one extra person, being if possible a member of the Upper 
Middle. The petition as regards the Bath was rejected. 
It was also resolved, " that any fag found on the Island 
without proper leave, if he shirk oft* to the satisfaction of 
the praepostor, escape with impunity ; if not, he incur the 
same punishment as is awarded to non-shirking out of 

In 1852 it was proposed to throw open the Island to 
the fags, but the proposal was lost, " on the ground that 
it was the only external mark of respect now paid to the 
Sixth," shirking having been abolished. Even this solitary 
honour was to cease, for the Island soon ceased to be an 
Island. One other resolution of the Sixth Levee is inter- 
esting, as it shows an increasing sense of responsibility 
for good order in the School. In 1847 it was resolved, 
" that every member of the Sixth do consider himself 
bound in honour not to apply himself to school work 
after the lights have been put out by order of the master 
of the house." 

This organisation has not only a recognised status, but 
its traditional formalities. The proceedings of the School 
Levees are carried on in an orderly fashion, and resemble 
in most respects a properly conducted public meeting. 
1 This was the old Bath, as to which see Index. Praepostors had keys. 

(Drawn by Miss H. M.James, from a photograph by Geo. A. Dean.) 


They have their chairman, whose ruling is obeyed ; and 
motions are proposed, seconded, and voted upon in due 
form. The wording of them is quaint and dignified. The 
Big Side Levee, for instance, which is concerned chiefly 
with the school games, dates of matches, dates when foot- 
ball or other games shall commence, usually words its 
propositions in set phrases. " It was proposed that on 
such a date football should be brought into the Close,"" 
or that " punt-about be introduced into the Close. 11 The 
care with which these records are kept, and the interest 
of many of the events recorded, will make them most 
valuable to the future historian of Rugby School. 

Below the Sixth are two forms, the Twenty and the 
Fifth (two divisions), which are excused from fagging, but 
not themselves allowed to have fags. These form a kind 
of chrysalis stage between the Sixth Form and the fags. 
The duties of fags are less irksome than once they were, 
but (such as they are) strictly exacted. It raises a smile 
to read what some eminent educationalists have written 
of the fagging system, 1 as though it were a thing essen- 
tially bad, and only to be tolerated because it cannot be 
abolished. If it be essentially bad that the young should 
serve before they can rule, then the whole system of 
government in all organised countries, and in the army 
and navy, and in commerce, is essentially bad. Experi- 
ence shows that the fagging system, if properly limited, is 
a good and useful institution, and an excellent training in 
habits of smartness and obedience. Fags may still, as of 
1 e.g. Fitch, Thomas and Mattheio Arnold, p. 80. 


yore, be called on to run errands, and to make themselves 
generally useful. Each fag is attached to some one of the 
Sixth for study fagging only, and is not liable to any 
other for this service. The house fags have to " fug out " 
the "den" of their superior, to light his fire, to make 
toast for him at tea, and so forth. Is any errand to be 
done, the Sixth Form potentate has but to issue forth 
from his den and shout " Fag ! " Immediately, like the 
rats of Hamelin city, out rush all the fags of the first 
term ; or if the word be twice shouted, all those of the 
first two terms, and so forth. The last fag in gets the 
job, so their speed may be imagined. It once happened 
that an astute tradesman^ boy found this out, and when 
he brought his parcels used to shout for a fag ; he thus 
saved himself the trouble of waiting. 

Many of the old customs described in these pages have 
died out. There is no more shirking, and boys newly 
promoted are no longer clodded, or cobbed, or chaired. 
The most remarkable of those customs which still survive 
is the "lamb-singing." As observed in the Schoolhouse 
the rite is as follows. A fortnight after the beginning of 
each term the new boys are conducted to one of the small 
dormitories. The head of the house and the captain of 
the Fifteen sit on a bed, as a bench of judges; the other 
boys crowd inside the door or without. Then on another 
bed each new boy is made to stand up in turn, a fag on 
either side lighting his face with a " tolly " set in a tin 
candlestick. The lamb must now sing a song. If it pass 
muster, good; if not, the judges start "Rule Britannia, 1 


which is taken up by all present, and the unsuccessful 
songster formerly had to drink a concoction of tooth- 
powder, salt, mustard, and other ingredients, mixed with 
water ; this ordeal is now abolished. 

On the last night of every term the Schoolhouse 
observes a custom called "knuckling down." All those 
who enjoy football distinctions change into football garb, 
and the rest appear in ordinary clothes. The fags are 
then divided into Big Fry and Little Fry, and proceed 
to knuckle down all through the long "dorm" passage 
to let the " distinctions " go leap-frog over them. First 
there are Big Fry singles and Little Fry singles; then 
doubles, the two boys putting their heads together ; then 
the process is repeated in threes and fours, even as far 
as sixes, the heads being kept always together. 

At a quarter-past six in the morning (or in winter 
at a quarter to seven o^clock) the sleepers are awakened 
by a servant, and they are reminded that the day's 
duties have begun. With greater or less speed all 
huddle into their clothes, and, after swallowing a cup 
of tea or coffee, hasten down to their form rooms. 
Meanwhile the twelve minutes 1 bell has rung for three 
minutes, and, after an equal pause, has rung again for 
the same time, stopping three minutes before the hour 
strikes. The forms are called over, and all proceed 
into chapel, whose doors are shut on the stroke of seven. 
At a quarter-past the short service is over, and an hour's 
work follows in school. At 8.15 the work ceases, and the 
boys return to their houses for breakfast at 8.30 ; in the 


interval, strings of fags may be seen hurrying to Hobley^s 
for u stodge," and returning with arms full of parcels for 
their Sixth Form masters. You will observe that all keep 
on the east side of the High Street ; or, if cross they 
must, they cross to their destination at right angles, and 
so back again. As they go back to the house, each 
keeps on the side of the road where his own house 
stands. However muddy the road, no one but a " swell " 
is supposed to turn up his trousers at the bottom ; 
though true it is that this rule is not always observed. 
If a boy is in his first term, he must keep his hands 
out of his pockets. If you see a boy with one hand 
in, he will perhaps be in the second term ; after that 
both may be put in the pockets. If three boys are 
seen walking together, you may be sure that their 
united experience of school amounts to twelve terms at 
the least ; and so on in like proportion. As the throng 
of boys goes past, the onlooker may amuse himself by 
calculating the length of Rugby existence by these rules. 
Breakfast over, " second lesson " begins, and here we 
note a peculiarity in the arrangement of work at Rugby. 
The whole school day is divided into five lessons, but 
only the first (7.15-8.15, or in winter 7.45-8.30) and 
the end of the fifth (5.30 or 6) are fixed. The other 
lessons are arranged between certain limits to suit the 
convenience of all concerned. The result is that at 
almost any hour of the day some boys are in school 
and some are out. The lesson in school varies from 
forty-five minutes to an hour and a half. Lower forms 


do their preparation in the first part of the time, and 
then they at once come up and say the work ; others 
prepare in their studies. The frequent intervals keep 
everybody fresh, and the system works well. The visitor, 
then, cannot follow a typical boy through the rest of 
the day, because hours differ with each form. We should 
not forget to mention the sacred institution of "Cuts." 
If, by reason of indisposition or other hurnan infirmity, 
a master is not in sight at a quarter of an hour after the 
time fixed for a lesson, that lesson is supposed to be a 
"cut," and the boys may depart whither they will. If 
a cut should be given at first lesson, the boys usually visit 
each other's houses, which at other times they never do. 
At a quarter-past one (or in winter half-past) the morn- 
ing's work, with its snatches of play, is over, and all 
assemble for dinner. The afternoon is passed in the 
same way, unless it be a half-holiday, when cricket or 
football, fives or racquets, bicycle excursions, a march out, 
or a natural history expedition is the order of the day. 
Tea is taken at 5.30 or 6, and from 7.45 to 9.15 (or 
7.30 to 9) there is preparation of work for the next 
day. Prayers are next said, and by ten o'clock every 
boy ought to be fast asleep. 

Such is the uneventful routine of the School, varied 
only by a debate, or a lecture, or a concert in New Big 
School. If Lawrence Sheriffe could arise from his grave, 
he might well be astonished at the complexity of the 
machine which has been developed out of his modest 
beginning, and the smoothness with which it works. The 


brains of many men have helped in the making of this ; 
nor is it to be supposed that it will never change again. 
One good order may corrupt the world ; and the School 
is like Arthur's Round Table, " an image of the mighty 
world," for which its citizens are training. 


As we look back over the past history of Rugby School, 
three names stand out from the rest into eminence 
Henry Holyoake, Thomas James, and Thomas Arnold. 
These we may call, in a phrase which has become 
common of late years, the Makers of Rugby. Other 
men have taken their impress from Rugby, and have 
carried on more or less successfully what they found 
there; but these three were creative, and left a per- 
manent mark on the School. Of the first it is tanta- 
lising to know that we know so little. He was clearly 
a strong man, a sound scholar, and a good organiser, 
and it was probably but the poverty of the school en- 
dowments which stood in the way of his raising Rugby 
to the first rank. As it was, he did raise Rugby to a 
position of high credit and repute, and received the 
highest marks of respect from the Board of Trustees. 
Thomas James has hitherto hardly had justice done 
him. He came to Rugby at a crisis in its fortunes, 
when the sudden increase in the value of the endow- 
ments gave almost unlimited scope to an able man ; and 
he showed himself fully equal to the occasion. He intro- 



cluced a new and carefully devised course of studies, in 
no way behind the best scholarship of the day, and 
in some respects an advance on that of other schools. 
He drew up wise rules for the division of time and for 
the internal government of the School, which in the 
main are still observed. He showed himself capable of 
dealing with boys in a spirit of firmness and justice, 
yet not without a great deal more personal friendship 
and kindliness than was usual in his time. A genera- 
tion later, Thomas Arnold quickened this perfected 
organism with a new life, and to a large extent realised 
his "ideal of Christian education." His spirit fired a 
band of fellow-workers and pupils, who in their turn 
went forth into many other schools, carrying with them 
what they had learnt at Rugby. It is not suggested 
that the improvement in the tone of English public 
schools was wholly due to Arnold. Other influences 
were already working in the same direction ; but Arnold 
was the first to put floating ideas into practice, and his 
example both helped and encouraged those who came 
after him. Here it is that Rugby comes into contact 
with the educational life of England. The grain of 
mustard-seed has grown into one of the greatest of 
trees, which has scattered its seeds far and wide over 
the face of the earth. 

Yet it is only in a limited sense that even these men, 
or any men, can be said to be makers of a school. There 
are forces in the school independent of them, which they 
would have been powerless to create as -to destroy. To 


direct, to restrain, to urge onward these forces so much is 
possible ; but no more. It is these forces which find vent 
in the customs and institutions of a school, which give 
it a character of its own, and make it appear almost as a 
being endowed with the breath of life. The same charac- 
teristics which English men show in life are seen here in 
English boys ; but because they work from within out- 
wards, the forms they take on them are not the same as 
are seen elsewhere. Vigour of body and mind, a desire 
to excel, a love of fair play and order, public spirit, show 
themselves here as elsewhere, but run on lines of their 
own. So long as these remain, the school lives ; more 
actively, perhaps, at one time than another, and unable 
ever to dispense with a guiding hand, but moving of its 
own life, and not like a piece of clockwork. When these 
depart, then comes death ; and a body of tame and spirit- 
less boys, could such be found in England, not even 
an Arnold could galvanise into a semblance of life. To 
these internal forces the readers attention has been directed 
in this book, so far as it was possible to trace them. In 
the earlier portion of the history little is known of them, 
and that chiefly by inference from the after careers of 
Rugbeians. They were there, however, ready to show 
themselves at a call, whenever the man came who knew 
the magical word. When the barrier of poverty was re- 
moved, it took but one generation for Rugby to grow 
from a small and obscure school to be one of the chief 
schools in England. 




1. The Will, Codicil, and Intent. 

2. Extracts from the Records of the Worshipful Company of 

Grocers, and of Lincoln's Inn. 

3. Particulars of Grants [Brownsover, &c.]. 


[From the Official Copy at Somerset House, Sloane, fol. 27.] 

" In the name of God Amen The tow and twentie Daie of Julie 
Anno Dni one thousand ffy ve hundred Three score and Seaven I Laurence 
Shiriff Citizen and grocer of London beinge sicke of Bodie but of good 
and pgrfitt remembrance thanked bee god therefore do make and 
ordeyne this my last Will and Testament in manner and forme follow- 
ing That is to saye fyrst and principally I commende my soule into 
the handes of Jhesus Christe my onlie saviour and Redemer by the 
merytes of whose bytter deathe and precious blud sheddinge I have 
sure hope and stedfastlie beleve to be savid and my bodye to the 
yerthe wherof itt was fyrst formed the whiche I will shalbe decently 
buried within the parishe churche of St Androwes in Rugbie but the 
f uneralls to bee fyrst done in the Citie of London whereat I will have 
a lerned man to preach the word of god and all other thinges mete to 
be donne and after that my body to be caried decently to Rugby and 
ther buried nere the bodies of my father and mother and that therbe 
after a fayre stone layed vppon my grave with a title theron declaringe 
the daie of my decease and so forth as my Executors and Overseers 
shall thinke good Item I give and bequethe to the parishe churche of 
St Androwes in the said Toune of Rugbie in the Countie of Warwicke 
the sume of fyve poundes to be bestowed ther in and vppon tLe 
makinge of certaine newe pewes or setes in the said Churche and that 



vppon the Doeres or Endes of the same Pewes or seates the grocers 
armes of London shalbe carvid with alsoe the letters of L and S 
adioyninge there vnto Item I will that the Dale of my buriall in 
Kugby aforesaid there be geven and Dystributed to the poore peopell 
that shall repayre thether the Sume of tenne poundes that is to saie to 
everye poore man and woman ffowre pence and to Everie poore Child 
tow pence Item I will that after all my debtes bee payed and the 
chardge of my funeralls borne that Elizabeth my welbelovid Wyfe 
shall have for her resonabell parte accordinge to the custome of the 
Citie of London one halfe of the Residewe of all and singuler my 
goodes and Chattelles Whatsoever Item I gyve and beqvethe to be 
bestowed as herafter insuethe in the said Toune and parish of Kugbie 
aforesaid the Sunm of ffyve poundes whereof I will that three pounds 
bee ymployed vppon the reparacions of the markett crosse there and 
that ther be a vaine sett vppon the toppe therof wherin shalbe the 
armes of the grocers of London and the said lettered of L S and the 
other fortie shillings I will shalbe bestowed in the amendinge of Over 
bridge and Rugbye bridge to either of them twentie shillings* all which 
said severall Somes and Legacies I will shalbe paid unto my brother in 
Lawe John Howkins and to tow other honeste men of good consciences 
inhabitinge wi^in the said towne of Rugbye to be imployed and 
bestowed as is before expressed presentlie vppon the recepte of the 
said money or within tow monethes after at the furthest Item I 
gyve and bequethe to Agnes Mabbe my Syster late the wyfe of 
John Mabbe of Lecester widowe the Some of iij u vj 8 viijd and to her 
tow sonnes my Cosenes to eyther of them fortie shillings to make 
eche of them a Rynge whervppon there shalbe sett a picture of Deathe 
in a windinge sheet to be delivered them withein one monethe after 
my decease Item I gyve vnto Alice Howkins now my servante and 
daughter of Brigitt Howkins my syster twentie Poundes and to Barbara 
Howkins now my Servant Also and daughter of the said Brigitt How- 
kins my syster of Rugbie aforesaid tenne Poundes to be payd to them 
at their severall dayes of their marriages or within one monethe after 
att the furthest Item I gyve unto Helen and Sara Howkins the tow 
other daughters of my said syster Howkins to eyther of them three 
poundes vj 8 viij d to bee payed to them within one monethe next after 
my decease Item I gyve and bequethe towardes the relife of the poore 
in Christa Hospitall in the Citie of London the Summ of Syxe poundes 
xiij 8 iiij' 1 to be payed to them within one monethe att the furthest next 
after my decease Item I gyve and bequethe towardes the relief of the 
poore in the Hospitall of St Thomas Southeworke and St Bartholo- 
mewes in Srnythefelde to eyther of them three pounds vj 8 viij d to be 


lykewise paid vnto them within one monethe after my decease att the 
furthest Item I give to the Maister Wardens and Companye of the 
grocers of London the Sume of Thirten poundes syxe shillinges viij d of 
whiche Some I will that syxe poundes xiij 8 iiij d be bestowed vppon 
a recreation to the Company vppon the day of my buriall and that the 
other syxe poundes xiij 8 iiij d may be imployed vppon decent hanginges 
or else Pewter Vessells flfor the vse of the Howse wherevppon I will 
that my marke shalbe sett or graven Item I gyve and bequethe vnto 
the two Children of Margarett Hallam of Leicester the Wyfe of 
Hallam to either of them tenne shillinges Item I gyve and 
bequethe to Elizabethe Honnylove my Servaunte fortie shillings 
Item I gyve and bequethe to Will m Stevenson my prentise fortie 
shillinges and a blacke goune and to Raffe Gyttens my prentise a 
blacke goune and to Mary my maide fortie shillinges and a blacke 
goune and to Roger Deale my Servant a blacke goune and fortie 
shillinges to amende his wages witheall Item wheras I the said 
Laurence Shiriffe stand bounde to paye to the vse of Gabriell Argall 
sonne of Master Thomas Argall the Sume of lawfull 

money of England my will is that the said Somme of 
be well and trulie payed accordinge to the forme and Effecte of the 
said bounde And further I will gyve and bequethe to the said 
Gabriell the Some of twentie poundes of Lawfull Englishe moneye to 
be payed to him withein the space of next after my decease 

Item I will that withein convenyent tyme after my decease there 
shalbe paied and dely vered unto George Harrison of London Gentelman 
and Barnard ffeilde of London grocer my deare frendes fiftie poundes 
towardes the buildinge of a schole house and Almes bowse in Rugbye 
aforesaid accordinge to the tenor of a certaine writinge bearinge date 
the day of the date hereof conteyninge myne intente in that behalfe 
And Wheras I the said Laurence Shiriffe by Indenture bearinge date 
the daye of the date hereof have bargayned and sold to the said 
George Harrison and Barnard ffeild all and singuler my landes tene- 
ments and hereditaments in the Countie of Warwicke vppon suche 
truste and to suche good purposes as by the wrightinge aforesaid 
conteyninge myne intent towchinge the Scholehouse and Almeshouse 
aforesaid doth appere Now for as muche as I do thinke that the said 
Landes Tenements and Hereditaments so bargained and sould will not 
be sufficient to the purposes aforesaid I will give and bequeth to the 
said George Harrison and Barnard ffelde the somes of one hundrethe 
poundes of Lawfull Englishe money to purchase therewith somwie other 
Landes as shall at the least be of the clere yerelie value of fortie fyve 
Shillinges of Lawfull Englishe money the same landes so to be pur- 


chased to be vsed conveyed and assured to the purposes and intentes 
expressed in the said writinge conteynenge myne intente aforesaid 
Provided alwayes that yf the said Elizabeth my wyfe do within con- 
venyente tyme after my decease release to the said George Harrison 
and Barnard ffelde and theire heires or to the survivor of them and 
his heires all her dowrie and title of Dower of and in the premises so 
as is afforesaid barganed and sold and alsoe doe convey and assure or 
cause to be conveyed and assured to the said George Harrison and 
Barnard ffelde and their heires for ever to thentent aforesaid Lands 
Tenements and hereditaments of the said clere yerely value of fortie 
fyve shillinges that then the said Legacie of one hundrethe pounds 
shalbe utterly voyed and of none effecte Anye thinge herein conteyned 
to the contrayry therof in any wyse notwithstandinge Item I gyve 
and bequethe to the said Elizabethe my wyfe my graye ambling nagge 
my cheyne of gould weying xx ei ounces and my goulde Ringe withe 
the picture of Deathe vppon it the whiche I hade at the deathe of my 
Lovinge ffrend Master Argall And furthermore I do ordeyne and make 
the said Elizabethe my wyffe the sole Executrixe of this my last will 
and testament and doo make my Brother in Lawe John Howkins one 
of the Overseers of the same and gyvinge to my said Brother for his 
paynes to be takin herin the Somme of ffortie poundes ffor the whiche 
he shall not onlie helpe and ayde my said wyfe as muche as in him 
lyethe but also the said George Harrison and Barnard ffelde specially 
concerninge the Buildinge of the Schole and other thinges by them to 
be donne at Rugby Alsoe I doo ordeyne and make my said loving 
ffriend Barnard ffeild of London grocer to be the other Overseere of 
this my last will and Testament desiringe him and my said ffrende 
Maister George Harrison that they will doo as muche as in them dothe 
lye to se all the Contents comprised in the writynge before specified 
concerninge the schole and other thinges at Rugby afforesaid to be 
performed accordinge to my will and desire even as I have nowe and 
alwayes have had my speciall trust in them The residewe of all and 
singuler my debtes goodes and Chattels not otherwyse by this my last 
will gyven nor bequethed I whollie gyve and bequethe to the said 
Elizabethe my wyffe in Concideracion that she shall release all her 
dower and title of dower as is afforesaid This is the last will and 
Testament of me Laurence Shiriffe Citizen and grocer of London 
towching and Concerning all mesuages Landes Tenements and heredita- 
ments wherof I shall be seised of anye Estate of inheritance at the 
time of my decease in possession revercton or remaynder ffyrst Whereas 
I have barganed and solde to the said George Harrison and Barnard 
ffelde all and singuler my Messages Landes tenements and heredita- 


mentes in the .said Countie of Warwicke I doo by this my last will 
and Testament will gyve and bequethe the same to the said George 
Harrison and Barnard ffeilde and ther heires for ever to the vse of 
them and ther heirs vppon such trust notwithstandinge as in the saide 
writinge is declared Item I will that the said Elizabethe my wyffe 
shall have for terme of her naturall lyffe all and singuler other my 
Landes Tenements and hereditaments beiuge ffreholde sett and beinge 
in the Countie of Middlesex or ells where within the Eealme of England 
and after her decease I will and bequethe one full third part thereof 
the whole being devided into thre paries vnto the said Brigett Howkins 
my syster for terme of her lyffe and after her decease I will the 
said third parte remayne to the said Ellen Sara Barbara and Ales 
Daughteres of the said Brigett Howkins and to the heires of ther 
bodies Lawfully Begotten and yf it fortune all and every of the said 
Ellen Sara Barbara and Alles to dye without yssue of there and every 
of ther Bodies Lawfully begotten Then I will the said third parte be 
and remayne to the ryght heires of the said Brigett Howkins for ever 
Item I will and bequethe to Anthonye Howkins Son of the said Brigett 
and to the heires of his Bodie Lawfully begotten one other third parte 
of the said Landcs Tenewentes and hereditamentes And ffor defalte of 
suche issue I will the said third parte to remaywe to Thomas Howkins 
brother of the said Anthony Howkins and to the heires of his bodie 
Lawf ullie begotten And for defalt of suche yssue I will the said third 
parte to remayne to the said Ellyn Sara Barbara and Ales his Sisters 
and to the heires of their bodyes lawfully begotten and yf it fortune 
all and everie the said Ellen Sara Barbara and Alice to dye without 
yssue of ther and everie of ther bodies Lawfully begotten Then I will 
the remaynder therof to the right heires of the said Brigett Howkins 
ffor ever Item I will gyve and bequethe to the said Thomas Howkins 
and to the heires of his bodie Lawfulye begotten the other third parte 
of the said Landes tenements and hereditaments And for defalte of 
suche issue I will the same third parte to be and remayne to the said 
Anthonye and to the heires of his bodie Lawfully begotten And for 
defalte of such yssue I will the same third parte remayne to the said 
Ellyn Sara Barbara and Ales his systers and to the heires of ther bodies 
Lawfully begotten And yf it fortune all and every the said Ellen 
Sara Barbara and Alice to dye without yssue of ther and every of ther 
bodyes Lawfully begotten Then I will the remaynder therof to the 
ryght heires of the said Brigett Howkins ffor ever In witnes wherof 
I the said Laurence Shiriffe have hervnto sett my hand and Scale The 
daye and yere ffirst above written in the presence of those whose names 
be vnder written Laurence Shiriffe Grocer (per me) Georgium Harrison 


(per me) Anthony Gregory (per me) William Hewes (per me) Barnard 
ffylde (per me) Robert Payne." 

" This Codicyll or writinge, dated in Rugby in the Countie of War- 
wicke the last daye of August Anno a Thousand fyve hundreth threscore 
and Seaven withe all thinges therin conteyned is to be added unto the 
last will and Testament of me Laurence Shiriffe Citizen and grocer of 
London wherebye also I doo revoke divers Legacies conteyned in the 
said last will dated at London the xxij Day of Julye in the said yere 
as followeth ffyrst whereas in the said last will and testament I the 
said Laurence did gyve and bequethe to George Harrison of London 
gentelman and vnto Barnard ffelde Grocer of London the some of one 
hundrethe poundes to suche intent as by the same Will is declared 
And also did give and bequethe vnto my Syster Bridgett Howkins of 
Rugby after the decease of Elizabethe my wyffe one whole thirde parte 
of all those my frehold landes and tenements* in the Countie of 
Middlesex to her for terme of her lyffe onlie and after to her iiij 
Daughters Ellen Sara Barbara and Ales as by the said will more at 
large dothe appere the said severall Legacies of the said hundred 
poundes and the said one whole third parte of the said landes I do by 
thes presentes utterKe revoke and make frustrate and by thes presentes 
I do will gyve and bequethe all the said one whole third parte of the 
said landes and tenements vnto the said George and Barnard to the vse 
of the said George and Barnard and to their heires Executory and 
Assignes for ever vppon suche trust and confidence and to the intente 
as I have donne my parsonage of Brounes over and my house in Rugbye 
aforesaid and not other wyse in any wyse Item I gyve and bequethe 
vnto the said Brigett my Syster a blacke goune and iij u vj 8 viij d in 
money Item wheras alsoe I have in the former parte of my said Will 
gyven and bequethed to John Howkins of Rugbie the some of fortie 
poundes I do revoke therof xiij 11 vj 8 viij d and so his Legacie to be but 
xxvj u xiij 8 iiij d and a blacke cote Item I gyve to the said George 
Harrison and to his wyfe to eyther of them a ringe of fyne gould and 
to mystres Gregori the wyffe of Anthony Gregori one ringe of fyne 
gould Laurence Shireffe grocer By me Barnard ffeild By me John 
Howkins By me Anthony Howkins By me Ralph Gyttens." 

["Proved at London 23rd Octr. 1567 before Walter Haddon 
Doctor of Laws by the Oaths of George Harrison and 
Elizabeth Laurence the wife the Ex'ors."] 

Copy Signed by Simon Rolleston, Registrar. 
[Prerogative Court of Canterbury.] 



[From an ancient copy on vellum among the Trust Papers. Parts 
in brackets have been restored from a paper copy, No. 2a.] 

" To all Christian people to whom this present writinge shall Come 
to bee scene hard or read Lawrence Sherriffe Citizen and Grocer of 
London George Harrison of London Gent, and Bernard ffeild Citizen 
and Grocer of London send Greeteinge in Our Lord God Everlastinge 
Whereas the said Lawrence Sherriffe by Indenture beareinge date the 
day of the date hereof for the Consideracion therein mencioned Hath 
Bargained and Solde to the saide George and Bernard and their Heires 
for ever All that his personage of Brownesover in the County of War- 
wicke with all the rightes members and appurtenances of the same and 
all and singuler other the Messuages Landes Tenements and heredita- 
ments of the said Lawrence sett lyinge or beinge in Rugby in the said 
County of Warrmcfc and in Brownesover aforesaid or in either of them 
or elsewhere in the said Countye of Warwick as by the saide Indenture 
more playnlye and att large it doth and may appeare The Confidence 
Trust and Intent of the said Lawrence Sherriffe Neverthelesse is and 
att the makeinge of the said Indenture was that the saide George and 
Bernard and their heires should have vse and ymploy Convey and 
assure the same to such vses and in such man[ner] and forme as is 
hereafter declared and to none other vse intent and purpose That is 
to say the said George and Bernard or the suruiuor of them or theire 
heires or assignes should with Convenient speede after the decease of 
the saide Lawrence with the profittes of the premises and with such 
other sommes of Money as the said Lawrence should therefore giue or 
appoynt by his Last will and Testament Cause to bee Builded neare 
to the Messuage or Mansyon howse of the said Lawrence in Rugby 
aforesaide a fayre and Convenyent Schoole-howse in such sort as to 
theire discretions shalbee thought meete and Convenyent And should 
alsoe provide or build neare to the said Schoolehowse foure meete and 
distinct Lodgeings for foure poore men to bee and abyde in accordinge 
to their good discretions And should alsoe well and sufficiently repayre 
the saide Messuage or Mansyon Howse which thinges being effectually 
done The will and the intent of the said Lawrence was and is that the 
said George and Barnard or theire heires or assignes or some of them 
should Cause an honest discreete and Learned man beinge a Master 
of Artes to bee Reteyned to teach a free Grammar Schoole in the said 
Schoolehouse And further that after that for ever there should bee 


a free Grammar Schoole kept within the said Schoole house to serve 
Chiefly for the Children of Kugby and Brownesover aforesaid and next 
for such as bee of other places therevnto adjoyneing And that for 
ever an honest discreete Learned man should be Chosen and appointed 
to teach Grammar ffreely in the same Schoole and the same man (yf it 
may conveniently bee) to bee euer a M r of Aries And further the will 
and intent of the said Lawrence was and is the same Schoole shalbee 
for ever Called the ffree Schoole of Laurence Sherriffe of London 
Grocer And that the Schoolemaster thereof for the tyme beinge for 
ever shalbee termed or Called the Schoolemaster of Lawrence Sherriffe 
of London Grocer And that the Schoolemaster and his successors for 
euer shal haue the said Mansyon howse with thappurtenances to dwell 
in without any thinge to be paide therefore And further that the 
Schoolmaster of the said Schoole for euer should haue yearely for his 
Sallary or wages the Some of Twelve poundes and over this the will 
and Intent of the said Lawrence was and is that for ever in the said 
foure Lodgeinges foure poore men should freely haue theire Lodgeinges 
and should alsoe each of them haue towardes theire Releife Seaven 
[pence] by the week to bee weekely paid at Rugby aforesaid And that 
of the said foure poore men [two] should euer bee such as had beene 
Inhabitantes of Rugby aforesaid and [none other] and the other Twoe 
such as had beene Inhabitantes of Brownesouer aforesaid and none 
others And alsoe that the said foure poore men should bee for ever 
called the Almesmen of Lawrence Sherriffe of London Grocer And 
further the will and intent of the said Laurence was and is that the 
Mansyon Howse Schoolehouse and other Lodgeinges should be suffi- 
ciently Repayred and mayntayned for euer All which the premisses 
the saide Lawrence Sherriffe willed and Intended to bee borne paide 
and performed of the Rentes and profittes of the premisses soe as is 
aforesaid bargained and solde And over this his will and desire was 
and ys that John Howkins of Rngby aforesaid and Bridgett his wife 
Sister of the said Laurence during theire lives should bee the ffarmers 
of the said Parsonage and other the premisses in Brounesover aforesaid 
for the yearely Rent of Sixteene poundes Thirteene shillinges foure 
pence to bee by them therefore paide soe that the saide John and 
Bridgett doe well and substantially dureing theire lives repayre the 
Buildinges thereof and well and truely pay the saide Rent and that 
after their decease before any other some such person as shalbee of the 
body of the said John Howkins and Bridgett his wife lawfully begotten 
or Issuinge and shall Inhabitt in Rugby or Brownsouer aforesaid should 
bee ffarmer of the saide Personage for the said yearely Rent of Sixteene 
poundes Thirteene shillings and fourepence yf such bee that will truelv 


pay the saide Kent without delay and well and sufficiently repayre the 
Buildinge of the premisses in Brownesouer aforesaid And whereas the 
said Lawrence Sherriffe Intendeth by Gods Grace in his life tyme to 
erect and Build the Buildinge and Schoolehouse aforesaid and to make 
or procure some good and substantiall devyse whereby his good Intent 
aforesaid may haue Contynuance for euer And the said Schoole there 
to be established to Contynue for euer Yf it please God to graunt him 
life to performe the same yet neuertheless the desyre confydence and 
Trust of the said Laurence Sherriffe is that in default thereof the said 
George Harrifson] and Barnard ffeild will of the Rentes Revenues and 
somes of money afo[re]said in all respecter substantially truly and 
effectually accomplish the sa[me] in such wayes as by the lawes of this 
Realme may most assuredly bee devysed and Convey and assure the 
Landes tenements Hereditaments and oth[er] the premisses to that only 
Intent and purpose In Wittnes whereof the s[aid] Lawrence Sherriffe 
George Harrison and Bernard ffeild haue there vnto sett theire scales 
the xxij th day of July in the x th Yeare of the Raigne of our most excel- 
lent Sovereign Ladye Queene Elizabeth Anno Domini 1567. 

" The true Coppye of the Intent of Lawrence Sherriffe Con- 
cerninge the Parsonage of Brownesouer which Intent 
was Sealed Subscribed and delivered by Lawrence 
Sherriffe George Harrison and Barnard ffeild as by the 
same Intent appeareth Coppyed the 20th of December 
1580 E. Harrison." 



Freedom. Late Apprentice of William Walcott ) 

Received and sworn 2 day of February 1541 \ ' ' 

Lirery. Lawrens Sheriff elected on to the Livery 

1554 paying f 20 /' 

Court. Court meeting 1st August 1562. 

At this Court Laurence Sheryff was sworne into the Assistance of 
this Companie and placed accordinge to his Ancyentrie. 

Warden. Court held 5 July 1566. 

Mr. Lawrence Sheriff chosen second Warden. 


The following entries appear in the Wardens' Account Book for 
1567 : 

Receyved of Mrs Elizabeth Sherif widow for so much her late 
husband Mr Laurence Sherif deceased bequeathed to make a dynner 
for the lyvrey of this Company the day of his buriall . 6 : 13 : 4 

Paid to Henry Cloker and John Gardener Stewards for provyding 
the dynner for the lyvrey of this Company the same day Mr Lawrence 
Sherif was buried 6 : 13 : 4 


Extract from Wardens' Account Book 22nd May 1S42 to 28th May 

Bernard Ffdde. 

Apprentice of Lawrens Shriffe R. and sworne the first day of 
February ij 8 vj d 

The list of admittances to Freemen from July 1550 to May 1551 
are missing. 

In the list of Freemen paying Bretherede money 25th May 1551 to 
20 Juyne 1552 
Extract. Barnerde Feylde pays ij 8 . 


At a Courte of Assistents holden the 9th daye of Maye 1567. 

Also where there was 16 persons at the last courte apointed to 
enter into the lyvrey and clothing of this Companie It ys now agreed 
that there shalbe 17 taken yn and placed as followeyth :- 

Bernard Felde placed 7th. 

Wardens' Account Book 10th July 1581 to 9 July 1582. Bretherede 

Bar nerd Feeld ij 8 . 

This is the last time his name appears. For Barnard Field see #lso 
State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth (vol. xliv. No. 63 ; cvii. No. 73 ; 
cxx. No. 6). 

The Black Books. 

Page 348. Accounts of Ralph Scroope, Esquire, Treasurer, 6 and 
7 Eliz. 1564/5. Receipts. 3. 6s. 8d. from Mr. Lawrence Sheriff 
Tenant of a tenement within the gate called Newgate, and commonly 


known as ' ' The King's Grocer's House " (lately left by the will of Roger 
Cholmley, alias Cholmondeley Knight, late Chief Justice of the King's 
Bench, to William Cordell Knight, Master of the Kolls in the Chancery 
of England and others to the uses in the said will declared), being half 
a year's rent due at Michaelmas last. 

Page 358. Accounts of John Salren, Esquire, the Treasurer, 8 and 
9 Elizabeth, 1566/7. Receipts. 6. 13s. 4d. from Elizabeth Sheriff, 
widow, for the rent of the King's Grocer's House in Newgate. [From 
the Meteor, Nov. 1897, p. 122.] 



Lawrence Agnes = John Mabbe Bridget John Howkins. 

Sheriffe. of _ | 

Leicester. ~ | ,||| 


Anthony, Thomas. 

j | b. about 1532. Sara. 

Son. Son. Barbara. 


Elias Tho 
(eldest). (sec( 

William. Alice. J< 



John, Wii: 
6. 1579, 
d. 1678. 


Barnard Field, d. probably 1583. 

Elizabeth=John Dakyn 
(not before 1583). 


(1) John Vincent = Rose . . .=(2) Roger Wood. 
d. 1602. I 

Philadelphia. Anne, d.s.p. 

(Young infants in 1602). 



4 ELIZ. [1501]. 
[Wrongly catalogued under She.] 

Application of Lawrence Sheriffe and Thomas Rove, signed by 
Thomas Reve, with a flourish between the two names which resembles 
the " letters of L. and S." 

[The actual grant is enrolled in Patent Rolls, 4 Eliz. Part I. : Law- 
rence Shryve and Thomas Reve. I have not fully collated this, but 
have satisfied myself that the places named are substantially the same.] 

Application to purchase 

Farm in Frythe (Staff.), late of the Monastery of Delacres. 

Farms in Newcastle-under-Lyme, Shebridge, and Whitman (Staff.), 
late of the Priory of Trentham. 

Farm of the moiety of the Rectory of Willoughton (Lines.), late 
of Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in England. 

Farm of the Rectory of Garnethorp (Lines.), late of Monastery of 

Farms in Garnethorp, late of Monastery of Nun-Ormesby and Priory 
of Alvingham. 

Farm in Assheby-Magna (Leic.), late of Priory of Catesby. 

Farms in Letherhedd (Surr.), late of John Leighe. 

Farm of lands called Hobbalds in the parishes of Moredon, Maldon, 
and Marton (Surr.), late of Priory of the House of Christ of Bethlehem 
in Shene (Surr.). 

Farms in Acaster (York), late of the Priory of St. Andrew (York). 

Rents in Fletchampsted (War.), late of Monastery of Stoneley (War.) 

Farm in Sellinge (Kent), late of the Hospital of St. Mary, Dover. 

Farm in Cassall (Notts), late of the Abbey of Dale, Derby. 

Farm of tenements in Penllin (Flint.), late of Monastery of Basing- 
work (Flint.) 

Tenths in Brownesover (War.), late of the Monastery of De Pratis 



A. Chancery Proceedings, Elizabeth, Gg. 13, No. 7. 
B. Chancery Petty Bag, Charitable Uses, Warwickshire. 

Description. Reference. 

1. Inquisition of 1602 (printed below), with Decree, Bundle 1, No. 28 
[The Decree is in a bad condition, but there is an 

incomplete copy at Rugby. See below.] 

2. 1614 [Mr. Rolfe, Master] 6 1 

3. Inquisition of 1653 , 21 ,, 20 

[Very full. See a Brief of this under III. below.] 

4. Depositions, 1654 ,, 6 4 

5. Same 16 

Exceptions, Answers, and Replications : 

4. John Harrington's Answer, 1613 .... Part I. 154 

5. William Howkins, Exceptions, 1652 . . . . , IX. 28 

6. John Howkins, Exceptions, 1652 . . . . , IX. 29 

7. Answers to John Howkins , IX. 34 

8. Answers to William Howkins , IX. 35 

9. Replications to Answers to William Howkins . . , IX. 41 
10. Replications to Answers to John Howkins . . , IX. 42 

Inrolments : 

14. Inrolments, Part XIV., 19th July, 18 Car. [1642]. 
XIV., 26th Nov., 19 Car. [1643]. 
C. Chancery Bills and Answers : 

1. James I., D, 13.15. 

2. Charles I., R. 45.62 (see below). 


ELIZABETH, Gg. 13, No. 7. 

To Sir Thos. Bromley, Kt., Lord Chancellor. Petition of 'Nicholas 
Greenhill of Kookebie in the County of Warr., Scholemaster of the 
free grammer schole there,' against John Emersion, 'whose syster one 
Elizabeth fytzherbert widdowe your suppliante had married,' for 40. 






[Abbreviations of the text enclosed in square brackets. Restored 
letters have a question mark appended. I have copied the important 
parts of this document myself ; the remainder was done by a copyist.] 

An Inquisition taken at Rugby [Sep. 30. 44 Eliz.] Before Zachary 
Babington Doctor of Lawe Chancellor to the Bishoppe of the dyocesse 
of Coventry and Lychfield, William ffieldinge, William Combes 
Edward Stapleton Esquires Roger Barker and Danyell Nayler Maisters 
of Arts and preachers of the word by vertewe of her Majesties commis- 
sion under the great scale of England out of her highnes Court of 
Chancery before the takeing of this Inquisition to them and others 
directed for the due execution of [the Act for Charitable Uses, Oct. 27, 
43 Eliz.] by the oathes of Willm. Dilkes of Clyfton gent. James Wil- 
lington of Brownesouer gent. John Towers of Thurleston gent. George 
Boddington of Harborough gent. Richard Baylyes of Hylmoreton 
Henry Perkins of the same Richard Smyth of the same Edward 
Bromych of the same Marmaduke ff[eilding ?] of Tof te Richard Youle 
of Dunichurch John ffaux of Bylton John Nicholls of the same Robert 
Chiles of Harborough Richard Rose of Clifford .... Clerke of Longe 
Lawford John Pynchbacke of Clyfton and Henry Bennett of Thurleston 
lawfull men of the com. aforesaid who say upon their oathes That 
Lawrence Sheriffe late citizen and grocer of London deceased was in 
his liefe tyme lawfullie seised in his demesne as of ffee of and in the 
Rectory parsonage and church of Brownesouer appropryate in the 
com. of Warwicke with all the rights members and appurtenances 
thereof And of and in diuers lands tenements tythes and heredyta- 
ments in Brownesouer aforesaid parcell of and belonging to the said 
Rectory parsonage and Church of Brownesouer and of and in one 
messuage w tl > the appurtenances in Rugby aforesaid w ch was the 
mancion howse of the said Lawrence Sheriffe whiles he liued. And 
he being thereof seized did by his deede Indented beareing date the 
two and twentith daie of Julie in the Nynth yeare of the Raigne 
of our said soveraigne Lady Queene Elizabeth and in her Majesties 
said Court of Chancery within Sixe monthes next after the daie 
of the date thereof acknowledged and enrolled and there of record 
amongest the Rolles of the same Court remayneinge made betweene 
him the said Lawrence Sheriffe on the one parte and George 
Harrison of London aforesaid gent, and Bernard ffeild citizen and 


grocer of London aforesaid both deceassed on the other part for 
and in consideration of the sum of one hundred pounds of good 
and lawfull money of England to him the said Lawrence Sheriffe 
paid by the said George Harryson and Bernard ffeild did graunt bar- 
gaine and sell unto the said George Harryson and Bernard ffeild and 
to their heires for euer the said Rectory parsonage and Church of 
Brownesouer w th all the Right Members and appurtenances thereof And 
the said messuage lands tenements and heredytaments in Brownesouer 
and Rugby aforesaid ... To the vse of them and of their heirs and 
assigns for euer and under this proviesoe in the same deede indented 
conteigned neuertheles That if the said Lawrence Sheriffe did att any 
time duringe his naturall liefe pay to the said George Harryson and Ber- 
nard ffield or to eyther of them or to the executors or administrators of 
eyther of them or to any other person or persons To the vse of the said 
George and Bernard or either of them the some of ffyve shillinges of 
good and lawfull money of England for the Redemption of the pre- 
misses and did testyfie or declare the said payment by wryteinge 
subscribed w th the proper hand of the said Lawrence Sheriffe or 
sealed with his scale That then the said bargaine and sale should be 
voide and of none effect And that then and from thenceforth ytt should 
be lawfull to the said Lawrence Sheriffe and his heires into the said 
bargained premisses to Reenter and them to haue again As in his 
former estate. And further the said jurors do say vpon their oathes 
aforesaid That the said George and Bernard by force of the aforesaid 
bargaine and sale in and by the said deede Indented and the said 
Inrollment thereof And of the statute made in the Parlyment holden 
at Westminster in the Com. of Midd. [Feb. 4, 27 Hen. VIII.] for trans- 
f erringe of vses into possession were of the premisses lawfully seized 
in their demesne as of ffee And that ther soe beinge thereof seized 
after the sealinge and deliueringe and acknowledginge of the said 
deed of bargaine and sale and the Inrollment thereof as ys aforesaid 
The said Lawrence Sheriffe George Harryson and Bernard ffeild by 
their deed under their hands and seales bearinge even date w th the 
said deede of bargaine and sale recyteinge the said bargaine and sale 
and the deede thereof made did declare. That the confidence trust 
and Intent, etc. [Recites the Will and Intent.] And moreover the 
jurors aforesaid doe saie vpon their oathes that the said Lawrence 
was also in his liefe time lawfullie seized in his desmesne as of fee 
amongst other thinges of and in one Close of meadow or pasture 
grounde commonlie called or knowen by the name of the Cunduite 
Close or Cunduite ffeild in the parish of St. Andrewes in Holburne in 
the Com. of Midds. Whereof one third part was late in the tenure of 


one Robert Carre deceassed for and vnder the yearlie Rent of eight 
poundes and now or late in the tenure of one John Vincent or of his 
assignes. And that hee soe beinge thereof seised did make his last 
will and testament in writeinge bearinge date the said two and 
twentieth daie of Julie And therebie amongst other thinges did will 
that within, convenient time after his decease there should be paid 
and delivered to the said George Harrison & Bernard ffeild ffiftie 
poundes towardes the buildinge of a Schoole howse and Almes howse 
in Rugbie aforesaid accordinge to the tenure of the writeinge bearinge 
even date w th the said will conteigninge his intent in that behalfe as 
ys aforesaid And therebie recyted etc. [Recites the Codicil.] And the 
jurors aforesaid doe further saie vpon ther oathes that [before ?] the 
buildinge or providinge of the said schoole howse or any lodginges for 
the said poore or any of them the said Lawrence Sheriffe before the 
three and twentith daie of October next ensewing the daye of y e date 
of the Codicill aforesaid died of the said Close called the Couduite 
Close seized of such estate as ys aforesaid. And that after his decease 
the said George Harrisone and Bernard ffeild beinge by vertewe of the 
demise aforesaid seized in their demesne as of ffee of and in the said 
third parte of the said Close and of all other the premisses in Brown- 
souer and Rugbie aforesaid seized as ys aforesaid In parte of the 
performance of the intente aforesaid they the said George and Ber- 
nard by their severall deedes Indented bearinge date the ffoure and 
twentith daie of Januarie in the one and twentith yeare of the Raigne 
of our said soueraigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth did demise unto Anthonie 
Howkins eldest sonne of the said John Howkins and of the said 
Bridgett his wiefe Sister of the said Lawrence Sheriffe and to John 
Howkins deceassed, sonne of the said Anthonie both of them inhabit- 
inge in Brownesouer aforesaid and the said Anthonie euer since and 
yett inhabitinge in and upon the said parsonage howse there All 
the said rectorie and parsonage of Brownesouer w th the appurten- 
ances sett lieinge and beinge in Brownesouer aforesaid in the Com. of 
Warwicke Together w th other landes tenementes edifices buildinges 
and hereditamentes whatsoeuer to the said rectorie or parsonage 
belonginge or in anie wise appurteigninge or reputed and taken as 
parte parcell or member thereof for and duringe the terme of fiftie 
yeares from the daie of the death of the said John Howkins ffather of 
the said Anthonie and of the said Bridgett his wiefe and of the survivor 
of them yf they the said Anthonie and John his sonne or either of 
them should soe longe Hue (w ch John and Bridgett then held the same 
by a lease of the same date to them made by the said Harrison and 
flield for fortie yeares if they the said John or Bridgett should so long 


Hue w ch leases were for by and vndcr the yearlie Rent of sixteene 
poundes thirteene shillinges and ffoure pence of lawfull monie of 
England to be paid at the ffoure vsuall ffeastes of the Annunciation 
of the blessed Virgin Marie, the natiuitie of St John the baptist 
St Michaell the Archangell and the birth of our lord God by equall 
portions w ch by and under one Provisoe in the said demise conteigned 
That yf yt should fortune the said yearlie Rent of Sixteene poundes 
Thirteene shillinges and ffoure pence or anie parte or parcell thereof 
to be behinde or vnpaide by the space of one moneth after anie of the 
said seuerall ffeastes and daies att the w ch the same were limitted by 
the said demise to be paid dureinge the tearme of fiftie yeares beinge 
lawf ullie asked) or yf the reparations afterwardes in the said demise 
and also in this inquisition mentioned to be made and done in and 
upon the said Rcctorie or parsonage and other premisses in Browne- 
souer aforesaid should not be made and done accordinge to the true 
intent and meaninge of the said demise within the space of eight 
monethes next after warneinge should be giuen unto the said Anthonie 
Howkins and John his sonne or one of them or their assignes by the 
said George Harrison and Bernard ffield or one of them their heires or 
assignes for the doeinge and makeinge thereof That then ytt should and 
might be lawfull to and for the said George Harrison and Bernard ffeild 
their heires and assignees into the said Rectorie or parsonage and other 
the premisses with the appurtenances in Brownesouer aforesaid whollie 
to Reenter and the same to haue againe retaine and repossess as in their 
former state And the said Anthonie Howkins and John his sonne 
therefrom vtterlie to expell amoue and putt out anie thinge in the said 
demises to the Contraie notwitfAstandinge And moreouer ytt is coue- 
nanted concluded condescended and agreed by and betweene the said 
parties to the said demise That the said Anthonie Howkins and John his 
sonne their executors and assignes should from time to time as often as 
neede should require duringe the said tearme The aforesaid Rectorie 
and parsonage edifices buildinges and other premisses in Brownesouer 
aforesaid with their appurtenances well and sufficiently repaire sus- 
teigne and mainteigne and [vntil ?] the end of the said tearme should 
leaue sufficientlie repaired and amended and also that all the lessees 
of the premisses in Brownesouer aforesaid w ch from the time should 
be should dwell and inhabite in Rugbie or Brownesouer aforesaid. 
And that the same lessees should not alienate or sett ouer anie parte 
of their interestes of and in the premisses or anie parte thereof aboue 
one or two yeares att the most w ch yf they should not obserue or doe 
the contrarie that then and from thenceforth their estates and inter- 
estes of and in the premisses should cease and be vtterlie voide for 


euer Anie thinge in the said demise to the contrarie notw th standinge 
As by the deeds of demise thereof made by the said George and 
Bernard shewed forth in evidence vpon the takeinge of this Inquisicon 
may more att large appeare. And the said jurors doe further saye vppon 
their oathes aforesaid that after the decease of the said Lawrence 
Sheriffe neyther the said George Harrisone nor Bernard ffeilde nor anie 
other for them did builde anie lodginges for the said ffonre Almes men 
but did place in some parte of the Mancion howse in Kugbie aforesaid 
wherein the said Lawrence Sheriffe did inhabite ffoure poore men 
whereof two were of Kugbie aforesaid and the other two of Brownes- 
ouer aforesaid. And afterwardes about seaven yeares after the death 
of the said Lawrence Sheriffe the buildinge of a schoole howse on 
the back side of the said Mansion Howse was finished w th the Rent of 
the parsonage aforesaid vpon parte of the grounde w ch belonge to the 
same howse and that Seventeene poundes of the said rent ouer and 
aboue soe much as builded the schoole howse was deliuered vnto the 
said Bernard ffeild but neither the said seaventeene poundes nor the 
said fiftie poundes were ymploied accordinge to the intent aforesaid 
to the knowledge of the juror aforesaid. And about that time the said 
Bernard ffeilde surviveinge the said George Harrison nominated and 
appointed one Edward Roleston a M r of Aites to be Schoolemaster att 
Rugbie aforesaid and to teach in the said Schoole howse accordinge to 
the intent of the said Lawrence Sheriffe and allowed to him for his 
dwellinge in Rugbie all the said Mansion howse but that parte w h was 
assigned and allotted for the lodgings of the said ffoure poore men. 
And whereas the dores of the said lodgeings for the said poore men 
did then open inwards to the Mansion howse they were then turned 
and made to open outwardes on the East side of the said Mansion 
Howse and Chimneys and partitions were also builded and made in the 
said poore mens lodginges soe as euerie of them haue a chimney and 
two Roomes thone over thother w ch lodgeinges for the said poore 
men hath ben soe vsed quetlie by them w th out interruption by the said 
Edward Rolleston whilst he was schoolmaster and dwellinge in the 
Mansion Howse aforesaid and also whilest Richard Scale was Schoole- 
master att Rugbie aforesaid and dwelt in the said Mansion Howse who 
was placed there by the appointment of the said Bernard ffeilde next 
after the said Edward Rolleston. And afterwards the said Richard 
Seale beinge remoued by the said Bernard ffeilde about the ffeast of 
[Michaelmas, 1581, 23 Eliz.J did nominate and appointe one Nicholas 
Greenhill to be schoolemaster at Rugbie aforesaid of the schoole afore- 
said and placed him in the Mansion Howse to dwell therein as others 
had done before And the said Bernard ffield further appointed that 


after three yeares tryall of the said Nicholas Greenhill in that place 
that hee the said Nicholas should be and continewe there duringe his 
liefe yf there should be noe just cause given by the said Nicholas 
Greenhill to the contrarie. And was contented and appointed to be 
allowed vnto the said Nicholas Greenehill for his salarie ffoure poundes 
by the yeare to be yearlie paid him out of the said third parte of the 
said Close called Conduite Close ouer and aboue the said some of 
Twelve poundes payable for his sallarie out of the parsonage of 
Brownesouer aforesaid the rent of which said third parte of the said 
close called Conduit ffeilde was then by reservation vpon a demise 
thereof made by the said Bernard ffeild to one Kobert Carre by Inden- 
ture bearinge date [April 20, 23 Eliz.] for eight and ffortie yeares from 
the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Marie then next insewinge was 
eight poundes by the yeare whereof the said ffoure poundes by the 
Yeare was paid to the said Nicholas Greenehill since he was schoole - 
master as is aforesaid vntill about three yeares and a halfe last past and 
foure and thirtie shillinges and eight pence yearlie to the said ffoure 
poore men to make them full payment of the said Seaven pence apeice 
a weeke appointed vnto them as ys aforesaid vntill ffiue yeares last 
past ended att MichaeZmas last past and the residue of the said eight 
poundes by the yeare to witt ffive and ffortie shillinges and ffourpence 
hath not ben yearlie paid or allowed towards the repaire of the said 
schoole howse mansion howse or Almes howse or anie other the intents 
aforesaid which said schoolehowse the said jurors saye ys nowe in good 
repaire but the said ffoure lodgeinges for the said poore men the said 
jurors saye doe wante repaire in the walls thereof. And furthermore 
the jurors aforesaid saie vpon their oathes aforesaid That the said John 
Howkins the ffather and Bridgett his wiefe afterwardes att Brownes- 
ouer aforesaid died after whose decease the said Anthonie Howkins the 
said John his sonne beinge then deade by vertewe of the said demise 
to them soe made entred into the said Rectorie and parsonage and was 
and yett ys thereof possessed for all the Residue of the said tearme of 
ffiftie yeares yett to come yf hee the said Anthonie shall soe long liue 
And that the saide some of sixteene poundes thirteene shillinges and 
ffour pence hath ben ever since the erectinge of the said Schoole howse 
trulie paid accordinge to the intent aforesaid. That is to say Twelve 
poundes thereof yearlie, vnto such as haue ben Schoolemasters in the 
Schoole of Rugbie aforesaid and ffoure poundes sixe shillinges eight 
pence more of the said Rent yearlie by ffive pence a weeke vnto such 
as have ben the ffoure poore Almes men aforesaid and the sixe shil- 
linges eight pence residewe hath ben also paid to the said schoole- 
master towardes the repaire of the aforesaid dwellinge bowses of the 


said Schoolemasters the schoole howse and Almes bowses. And the 
said jurors doe also saye vpon their oathes aforesaid That euer since 
the decease of the said Lawrence Sheriffe the said parsonage of 
Brownesouer hath ben mainteyned susteigned and kept in good and 
sufficient repaire But the jurors aforesaid say vpon their oathes That 
since the decease of the said Lawrence Sheriffe and since the demise 
aforesaid made to the said Anthonie and John Howkins the said 
George Harrisone dyed And that the said Bernard ffeild him ouerlived 
by force whereof the said parsonage and premisses in Brownesouer and 
Rugbie aforesaid and the said third parte of the said close aforesaid 
beinge accrewed vnto the said Bernard ffeild and hee helde himselfe in 
them by Right of Survivor and was thereof seized in his demesne as 
of ffee to such trust as ys aforesaid And soe beinge thereof seized died 
of such estate thereof seized By and after whose decease the same 
descended vnto Elizabeth ffeild daughter and sole heire of the said 
Bernard By force whereof she was thereof seized in her demesne as 
of fee to such trust as ys aforesaid And soe beinge thereof seised 
tooke to husband one John Dakyn By force whereof the said John and 
Elizabeth were thereof seized as in the right of the said Elizabeth in 
their demesne as of ffee to such trust as ys aforesaid. And they soe 
being thereof seized the said Elizabeth died of such estate of the pre- 
misses seised By force whereof the premisses discended and came 
to Bernard Dakyn sonne and heire of the said Elizabeth By force 
whereof hee was thereof seized in his demesne as of fee to such trust 
as ys aforesaid. And the jurors aforesaid saye vpon their oathes that 
the said Bernard Dakyn hath by his deede Indented bearinge date the 
ffoure and twentith daie of November in the two and ffortith yeare of 
the Raigne of o r soveraigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth made betweene 
him the said Bernard Dakyn on the one parte And John Vincent of 
Kentyshe Towne in the said Com. of Middlesex gent, on the other 
parte And in her Majesties Court of Chancerie of Record within sixe 
monethes next after the said daie of the date thereof for and in con- 
sideration of the some of sixe score poundes of lawf ull monie of England 
to him the said Bernard Dakin in hand paid by the said John Vincent 
bargained and solde vnto the said John Vincent and his heirs and 
assignes for euer And that the said John Vincent before and att the 
time of his bargaine and agreement for the purchase of the said third 
parte of the said Close of the said Bernard had notice and knowledge 
of the trust aforesaid concerninge the same and ys sithens deceassed 
haveinge yssewe Philadelphia and Anne his two sole daughters and 
heires. And further the jurors say that albeit that longe before the 
sale made to the said John Vincent that the aforesaid Bernard ffeild e 


by his said deede bearinge date the Twentith daie of April in the three 
and twentith yeare of our said soveraigne Ladie Queene Elizabeth did 
demise the said third parte of the said close aforesaid vnto one Robert 
Carre for the tearme of eight and ffortie yeares from the Annunciacon 
of the blessed Virgin Marie then next ensewinge for the yearlie Rent 
of eight poundes Yett nevertheless the said third parte of the said 
Close is yearlie worth Twentie poundes by the yeare att the least. In 
wytnes whereof as well wee the said Zachary Babington William 
ffeildinge William Combes Edward Stapleton Roger Barker and Danyell 
Nayler as also the said jurors have herevnto putt our hands and scales 
the daie and yeare first aboue written. 


CHARLES I., R. 45. 62 [Nov. 1632]. 

Summary. Anthony Howkins, Rector of the Impropriatc Parsonage 
of Brownsover, aged 100 years or thereabouts. Elizabeth, by letters 
patent dated Mar. 7, 5 Eliz. [1562/3] for 2243. lid. 3d., granted to 
Lawrence Sheriffe and Thomas Reve, amongst other things, " all her 
tithes of corn, grain, and hay yearly growing, renewing, and increasing 
within the fields and hamlets of Br. aforesaid," "and also one messuage 
and one yard land with the appurtenances in Brownsover lately 
belonging to the monastery of Leicester." 

This the two grantees held together until the decease of Reve, 
when L. S. " was seised of it alone." [The Trust to Field and Harrison 

"About whicA tyme the said Lawrence Sherriffe purchased divers 
messuages in Rugby aforesaid and with great costes and expence* of 
money pulled downe the same houses being ruynous And new builded 
a faire Dwelling Howse for the Schoolemaster of the said Schoole for 
the time being and a large howse for a Schoole there, and foure meete 
and convenient Almes houses for the said foure Almesmen." Sheriffe 
died ; this good intent was carried out, and John and Bridgett Howkins 
held Brownsover, with the stated rent-charge duly paid, and their son 
after them, until about 1612, when Edward Boughton wanted to 
enclose the common fields, surveyed the glebe lands, &c., plaintiff being 
then near eighty years old. He wished to wait until his son should come 
from London, but B. persuaded him it was needless [detailed account 
of the transaction, with names], and gave his wife 5 and many good 
words for him to sign a document. [The rest as described in text.] 



ELIZ., vol. 146, No. 65. 

" Articles objected before the Lordes and the reste of Her Ma/cties 
moste honorable Privy Counsell againste Edwarde Boughton, of Caw- 
ston, in the Countie of Waxrwick, Esquire. 

" 1. Imprimis : He is a boulsterer and maynetainer of evell menn 
and of evell causes in the cuntrie wheare he dwellethe namelie of 
Nicholas Greenhell, and others. 

" 2. Item : He is a favorer of notorious papistes, and he is ioyned 
in league with them, and namelie with one Barnarde Ffielde. 

"3. Item: He is a packer of Juryes, to the pervertinge of Justice 
and equitie ; namelie, aboute the billes of Indictmente against the 
Bishop of Coventry and Lichefidd, and his officers. 

"4. He is a greate practizer of Indictmentes againste his poore 
neighboures, and presumethe to put in and oute of the billes of indict- 
mente whome he will him selfe to serve his owne turne, contrarie to 
the lawe and order. 

" 5. Item : He is an oppressor of his owne neighboures, and by 
tyranny and power makethe them to stoupe vnto him in all purposes, 
and if theie will not, troublethe them to theire vndoinges, as of late by 
indictinge at Warrw'cfc, and fetchinge vpp to the Starr Chamber, or 
otherwise vexinge and molestinge and hundred weomen and childrenn, 
or theare aboute, in the parishe of Rugby, withoute anie iuste cause at 
all, but of meere malice, for that he dothe not favour him in placinge 
a notorious [here is set down a foul word] to be scoolemaster theare. 

* ' 9. Item : He him selfe, with divers others in his companie, riot- 
ouslye and contrary to iustice, hathe made a forcible entrie into the scoole 
of Rugby, in the Countie of Waxrwick, and from thence hathe removed 
with stronge hande and displaced one Richarde Seele, being quietlie 
possessed of the same for the space of eighteene monethes before. 

"15. Item: He hath made suche a sturr of late in the countrie 
where he dwellethe, amongste his poore neighboures by vexinge them 
at sessions, assises, and in the starr chamber, that if the Bishop had 
not appeased theire rage, and diswaded them to the contrarie, theare 
had come up multitudes of his oppression and crueltie. 

"16. Item: He is ann obstinate Puritan; dispisethe the order of 
the booke established by acte of parliamente, settethe up and main- 
tainethe newe service, newe fastes, and suche other like singuler 
divises, or favoreth the same, to the greate disturbance of that parte 
of the diocese wheare he dwellethe, and the quiet gouermente of the 
clergie theare." 



A, Trustees' Books of Accounts and Orders, from 1667. 

B. Rugby School Register, from 1675. 

C. Trust Papers, of which the following are chief : 

Without number 

(a) Certificated Copy, on vellum, of Lawrence Sheriffe's Will, Codicil, 
and Intent, written in 1580. [The originals seem to have 
perished. Howkins is stated in T.P., No. 68, to have destroyed 
some documents ; perhaps these were among them.] 

(6) Original Will of Anthony Howkins. 

(c) Certified Copy of John Allen's appointment. 

(d) Brief, stating case for the Inquisition of 1653. [There are several 

copies of this document, one of which was printed in Bloxam's 
Rugby, pp. 26-28, but so incorrectly that it is here given 

(e) Abstract of Decrees relating to the School. 


1. Copy of Indenture : Purchase of Conduit Close (24 acres) for 320, 

by L. S. and Elizabeth his wife, from John Streete of Holborn, 
Nov. 18, 2 Eliz. 

2. Copy of L. S.'s Will, on paper, attested by Simon Rolleston (from 

Somerset House, Sloane, fol. 27). 
2a. Copy of L. S.'s Intent, on paper, "true copy," but not signed. 

Note at foot "This originall is likely to be kept in some 


19, &c. Rugby School Case [many copies, varying in particulars]. 
51a. Appointment of Peter Whitehead. 
72. Mrs. Pearce's Petition. 

79. Decree of 1602 (incomplete). 

80, &c. Exceptions, Answers, &c. (1653). 
85, 86, 87, lOOrt, &c. Depositions (1653). 

138, with 93, 94, 95. Briefs. 
Vouchers, Bills, Receipts, &c. 
List of Old Deeds relating to the School, from 1750 onwards. 




May 3, 1670. 

Itt is ordered that Knightley Harrison Master of Arts be admitted 
Schoolemaster Provided the said Mr Harrison give security by him- 
selfe and other responsible persons in 500" for surrendring the said 
Schoole at three moneths warneing by the major parte of the ffeoffees 
and to observe such orders as the said ffeoffees or the major part of 
them shall make from time to time. 

Nov. 4, 1673. 

Ordered that the orders subscribed by the ffeoffees be set up in the 
Schoole to be observed by all parties concerned. 

Aug. 4, 1674. 

Ordered that 9 s 1* ob. apiece be deducted out of each Almesmans 
pay for his quarter's salary being forfeited by each of the Almsmen 
for their neglect in observing the order of resorting to the Schoole to 
heare prayers. 

March 2, 1674/5. 

The last meeteing adjourned till this day and Robert Ashbridge 
Mr of Arts admitted Schoolemaster to enter upon the imployment 
from Munday after Easter weeke and in the meane time Mr Harrison 
to remove himselfe and his family (yf it may be conveniently) or as 
soone after as possibly may be. 

20 May 1676. 

Paid to Mr Ashbridge by the hands of Mr Bromwich in pte of the 
moneys in banke towards the building of the chambers over the Schoole 
by the appoyntmenf of the ffeoffees 08 00 00 

Nov. 7, 1676. 

Whereas the second of May last there was thirtene pounds seaven 
shillings in banke whereof eight pounds is already paid to Mr Ash- 
bridge It is ordered that fowre pounds more be paid to him for the 
further reimbursing him the charge of the chambers newly erected 
over the Schoole, which is this day paid by Mr Bromwich accord- 
ingly 04 00 00 

2 Aug. 1681. 

Memorandum That M r Leonard Jeacocke Mr of Arts is by the consent 
of the ffeoffees admitted Schoolemaster in the stead of Mr Ashbridge 
whensoever Mr Ashbridge shall leave the place. 


Feb. 7. 1687/8. 

Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed ffeoffees of the ffree 
Schoole and Almeshouses of Rugby in the County of Warwick Doe 
hereby elect nominate & appoint Mr Henry Holyoake Master of Arts 
to be Schoolemaster of Rugby ffree Schoole aforesaid in the place of 
Mr Leonard Jeacocke late Schoolemaster deceased. 

Leigh. J. Bridgeman. Basil ffeilding. Tho: Clerke. 
Tim: St Nicholas. Oliver Cave. ff. Burdon. 

May 1, 1694. 

Whereas there remaines in Banke untill and at this day the sumwe 
of Fourty five pounds Six shillings and noe more It is ordered that thirty 
two shillings eight pence be paid and is now paid accordingly to Mr 
Edmd. Bromwich for charges of serving and copying the Injuncion 
about Conduit feild upon the Brickmakers and that there be paid and 
is now paid to Richard Pindar thirty one pounds fifteene shillings to 
George Cotton the Mason Eight pounds four shillings to W m Sherman 
the Glazier two pounds Eight shillings and for boord one pound to 
W m Strong Eight pounds tenne shillings which worke was all im- 
ployed about makeing new chambers over the Schoole soe that there 
is paid more then in banke eight pounds three shillings eight pence 
Which Mr Bromwich haveing laid downe It is ordered the same is to 
be paid him out of the ensueing rents. 

7 Aug. 1705. 

Mr Holyoake the Schoolemaster haveing this day applyed to vs to 
give our consent that he may take the Presentation to the Rectory of 
Bilton now vacant and hold the same with the Schoole of Rugby 
contrary to an order made for the better Governement of the Schoole 
And promising to kepe a Curate who shall take care of his schollars 
when he officiates there in Person In consideracion whereof [is alsoe ?] 
That Bilton is very nere to Rugby And as a Testimony of our Par- 
ticuler Esteme for Mr Holyoake and of our approveing his Labours 
whereby he hath deserved very well of vs in Recovering the Creditt & 
reputation of the Schoole which Circumstances may [probably ?] never 
recur in another Schoolemaster and therefore the Schoole not being 
like to suffer by the President Wee doe by virtue of the Power Reserved 
to us to alter the orders att this time dispense with the aforesaid order 
and allow Mr Holyoake's takeing the presentation to the said Rectory 
aiid his holding the same with the Schoole. 


6 May 1707. 

George Webb haveing been absent two mornings & ffive eveneings 
from prayers this last Quarter is ffined ffour pence halfpenny according 
to the Orders And is admonished to observe the orders better and 
lodge in his lodgeing for the ffuture on paine of Expulsion. 

3 Aug. 1712. 

Mr Holioake, the Schoole master, representing to the ffeoffees at 
this their Quarterly meeting that Mr Blake (who married his Sister) 
Late Incumbent of the parish church of Harborow near this place had 
in his Lifetime been at Great Expenses in repairing and rebuilding the 
Chancell and Parsonage house there and had sustained great Losses 
by the failing of a Tenant that rented his Tithes, and that S r W m Bough- 
ton patron of that Church in Compassion and Charity to Mr Blakes 
Widdow and Child, And in Confidence of his affection and kindness to 
them had presented him to the said Church now vacant & he humbly 
prayed the Consent of the ffeoffees for his takeing vpon him that Cure. 
Whereupon the ffeoffees considering the order of this Schoole against 
the Schoolemaster takeing vpon him any Cure of souls, or other Im- 
ploymentf that may hinder his due attending and diligently executing 
his duty in the School, and the particular circumstances of this Case, 
and being assured by the Schoolmaster that he Intends noe advantage 
to himself e, and that he will constantly keep a Curate to supply the said 
Cure They conceive the Intention of this order, which was to prevent 
a neglect of the Schoole will not be disappointed by their giveing such 
Consent And therefore by virtue of the power reserved to them to 
Expound and alter the orders of this School, They doe allow the School- 
master to proceed and take Institution and Induction to the Church of 
Harborow, If he can obtain the same. And this they have directed to 
be entred that noe 111 Use may be hereafter made of this precedent, 
and of their Indulgence in this Charitable Case. (9 signatures.) 

2 Aug. 1726. 

To Widow Watts her Bill for Bricks 01 14 

To Thos: Harrall his Bill for building a Mudd Wall etc . 06 15 6 

To W Baxter his Bill for picking Lathe etc. . . . 00 06 00 
To W m Ladbrooke his Bill for mending the Pump in the 

Garden etc 00 05 00 

To W m Sherman his Bill for Glass etc 00 03 2 

To Bradley Carpenter his Bill 01 08 4 


To Thomas Harroll his Bill for repairs at the Schoole and \ 

Schoole House & building the Brick Wall where the V 28 1 4 
Swan Stood and Carrying of the Bricks . . . ) 

To Walker Smith his Bill 00 2 2 

[i.e., they spent on building and repairs, 38, 15s. 6d.] 

4 May 1731. 

Joseph Hodgkinson for attending the School since the death of 
Mr Holyoake 05 

3 Aug. 1731. 
Joseph Hodgkinson for attending the School . . . 10 

Wee whose names are hereunto subscribed ffeoffees of the ffree 
School of Eugby in the County of Warwick doe hereby elect nominate 
and appointe John Plomer Master of Arts to be Schoolmaster of Rugby 
ffree School aforesaid in the place of Mr Henry Holyoake deceased 
Provided the said Mr Plomer give Security by himselfe and other 
responsable persons in 500" before the next quarters meeting of the 
ffeoffees for surrendering the said School at three moneths warning 
given to him by the the [sic] Major part of the ffeoffees and to observe 
such orders as the said ffeoffees or the Major part of them shall make 
from time to time and in Consideration that he was educated at the said 
School and for Severall years been Usher there and behaved himself 
so well We therefore dispense with the Order mentioned in the School 
Orders for takeing vpon him the Cure of souls and that he may be at 
liberty to take and hold one Ecclesiasticall benefice and no more he 
keeping a Curate constantly to officiate there to prevent his neglect 
of the School. 

We order that a Catalogue be made of the Study of books which 
M r Holyoake the late School Master gave by his will for the benefitt 
of Rugby School and that M r Towers and M r Plomer examine the same 
and that they Choose a fitt place for a Library to Sett up the same in 
and that they Call in all books that were lent out by Mr Holyoake. 

We whose names are hereunto subscribed Trustees for the said 
Free Grammar School do elect nominate & appoint Thomas Crossfield 
Master of Arts to be Schoolmaster of the said School in the room of 
the above named John Plomer. 

It is this day resolved that the surplus money (which for some 
years past hath been divided quarterly between the Master and Alms- 
men) be for the future reserved in the hands of the Steward as formerly 
it hath been & that it be applyed as the Trustees from time to time 


shall think proper for the repairs & improvement of the premises 
belonging to the School. 

May 4, 1742. 

I John Plomer Schoolmaster of the Free Grammar School of Law- 
rence Sherriff in Rugby in the County of Warwick do hereby surrender 
& resign the said School into the hands of the Trustees for the said 
School To which the said Trustees have consented & have accepted 
the same accordingly. [Signed] John Plomer. 

30 Sep. 1751. 

I William Knail Clerk Schoolmaster of the ffree Grammar School 
of Lawrence Sherriff in Rugby in the County of Warwick do hereby 
surrender and resign the said School into the hands of the Trustees for 
the said School to which the said Trustees have consented and have 
accepted the same accordingly, William Knail. 

In pursuance of an Adjournment made by us the sixth day of 
August last for the electing a Schoolmaster in the room of Mr. William 
Knail who has this day resigned We do elect nominate & appoint the 
Rev<i Joseph Richmond Master of Arts to be Schoolmaster in the room 
of the said Mr. Knail. 

Aug. 5, 1755. 

[Resignation of Joseph Richmond, with autograph.] 

It is ordered that it be referred to S r Tho 8 Cave Bar* to revise the 
orders for the better regulating the School and to examin the books 
& to make a Catalogue thereof. 

We do also nominate and appoint the Rev d Stanley Burrough Clerk 
Master of Arts to be Schoolmaster of the ffree Grammar School in 
Rugby in the room of the late Mr. Richmond. 

Aug. 5, 1766. 

The Incumbent of the parish Church of Rugby having consented to 
a Gallery being erected in the Chancel of the said Church for the use 
of the School pursuant to the plan produced It is ordered that applica- 
tion be made to the Patron of the said Church for his consent thereto 
And that on the Patron's testifying his consent the said Gallery be 
accordingly erected at the expense of the Trust for Rugby School And 
that the expense of new pewing the seats in the body of the said Church 
which shall be allotted to the Charity Estate be paid by the said Trust 
And that twenty one shillings a year be paid to the Incumbent for the 
time being (as agreed) for the space taken up by the said Gallery. 


Aug. 4, 17G7. 
Paid Kich (l Over a Carpenter's Bill repairing the Roof of 

Eugby Chancel that the Gallery might be erected . 577 
Paid M r John Wagstaff erecting the Gallery according to 

his estimate 49 17 

May 3, 1768. 

Paid d for turning two Arches over Graves in Rugby 
Church for supporting the Columns of the School 
Gallery ... 10 3 

Paid James Wright a Mason's Bill for the School Chimney 

& Carriage 15 

4 Aug. 1778. 
[Stanley Burrough's resignation, signed. ] 

We the Major part of the Trustees of the said School do elect 
nominate and appoint the Reverend Thomas James Clerk Master of 
Arts to be Schoolmaster of the said School in the room of the said 
Stanley Burrough And We do order that so soon as the Trust Estate 
will answer it there be paid to the said Thomas James the annual sum 
of Fifty pounds over and above the annual sum of sixty three pounds 
six shillings and eight pence heretofore paid to the Master of the said 
School and that he shall enjoy the School Closes rent free from this 
time And that the rent thereof from Lady Day be given up to the 
two Masters. And we do also elect nominate and appoint the Reverend 
James Chartres an Usher in the said School And we do direct that 
there be paid to him out of the said Trust Estate the annual sum of 
Eighty pounds. 

June 27, 1794. 

The Reverend Doctor James having by Letter signified his intention 
of Resigning the place of Head Master of Rugby School on the 29th of 
September next ensuing the Trustees do accept the same, tho' with the 
greatest regret; and they should think themselves wanting in their 
duty if they did not take this opportunity of expressing their satisfac- 
tion in the Conduct of Dr. James, to whose abilities & attention they 
acknowledge the present flourishing state of the School to be owing. 

A Letter from Dr. James containing the most important informa- 
tion relative to the management of the School, as well as the most 
undoubted proof of the strict attention he has given to all even the 
most minute affairs under his Charge, having been laid before the 
Trustees ; They are of opinion that this valuable Collection should be 


deposited among the Records of this Charity, for the inspection and 
instruction of all future Trustees. 

Aug. 1, 1797. 

The Trustees at the same time thought it right to declare to the 
Assistants that They have always considered the Appointment and the 
dismissal of any of the Assistants as virtually residing in the Head 
Master, whom they hold to be immediately responsible to Them for 
the General good Government of the School ; and they are decidedly 
of Opinion that it ought so to continue. 

Sep. 10, 1827. 
[Wooll resigns.] 

Rugby Charity founded by Lawrence Sheriff. 

At a special meeting of the Trustees of the said Charity held by 
adjournment this 10 th day of December 1827 for the purpose of electing 
a Head Master they do appoint the Rev' 1 Thomas Arnold A.M. to be 
Schoolmaster of the said School from July next in the room of the 
Rev d D r Wooll who has resigned. 

June 15, 1842. 

The Head-mastership having become vacant by the death of 
D r Arnold, the Trustees desire to express their sense of the great loss 
which the School has sustained in the death of a Master who has 
raised it's character to the highest pitch. Ordered that the School 
Chapel be hung with black on the day of D r Arnold's funeral. 

July 8, 1842. 
[A. C. Tait elected.] 


For the Respondent. 

Ed : Bromwich 

William Howkins \ in the place of 

and > Exceptants. Ed : Harrison, 

John Howkins ) prosecutor, 


5 Aprill 1653 Inquisition That by Inquisition, at Rugby, it ap- 
peared : That Lawrence Sheriffe deceased being seized in ffee of the 


Rectory of Brownsover, and a Messuage cum pertmentibus at Rugby 
Com. Warr. and of a close of pasture ground called Conduit Close in 
Grayes Inne ffeilds Com. Middx. containeing about 24 Acres 

Dat. 22 July. 9 Eliz. By deed enrolled conveyed the said Rectory, 
and all other his Lands Com. Warr. to Geo. Harrison and Bernard ffield 
and their heirs who by another Deed (same date) declared the Trust 
and Intent thereof to the uses hereafter, vizt., 

That they and their heires should speedily after Lawrences death 
(with the profitts and such other moneys as Lawrence should by his 
will give for that purpose) Build near Lawrences Mansion house in 
Rugby a School house And an Almeshouse for 4 poor Men and should 
repaire the Mansion house which being done, the Will and Intent of 
Lawrence was 

That the said Trustees and their heirs should cause a discreet Learned 
man (being a Master of Arts) to be School Master there And the same 
after that to be a ffree Schoole for Ever, and to Serve Cheifly for the 
Children of Rugby and Brownsover and next for such as be of other 
places thereto adjoyneing And the School Master (if Conveniently it 
might) be for ever a Master of Arts And 

That the School Master and his Successors should have the Mansion 
house to Live in Gratis, and his sallary to be 12 U per Ann. and the 4 
Almesmen to have each 7d. per week besides their Lodgeings whereof 
2 to be of Rugby and the other of Brownsover 

And the said Mansion house Schoole and Almeshouses, should be 
Repaired for ever out of the profitts of the said bargained premisses 
And That John and Bridgett Howkins (Lawrences sister) should be 
Tennants to the said Rectory dureing their Lives, at 16 U 13 s 4 d per Ann. 
they keeping the premisses in repair And after their decease before 
any other some person being of their Issue and that should Inhabite 
in Rugby or Brownsover should be ffarmers of the said Rectory at the 
same rent and repairing the premisses ut supra And 

That Lawrence, by a Codicill (20 Oct. 9 Eliz :) annexed to his will, 
bequeathed to the said Trustees and their heirs the 3d part of All his 
Lands in Middx upon the same Trust he had done the same Rectory and 
not otherwise and shortly after dyed And the said Trustees entered 
and became seized of the 3d part of Conduit Close in Trust ut supra, 
to them and their heirs. And 

That the said 3 d part of Conduit Close descended to and become 
vested in Bernard Dakin who by Deed (Dat. 24 Nov. 42 l Eliz :) Con- 
veyed the same to John Vincent and his heires But Vincent before such 

I MS. "22." 


Conveyance had full and apparent notice of the said Trust yet never- 
theless by vertue of the said Deed entered and tooke the proffitts to his 
owne use till the l Bt of Sept. 44 Eliz : when he dyed leaveing Rose his 
wife (to whom by will he devised the said 3 d part) and Philadelphia 
and Anne his Daughters and heirs And 

That Rose entered and took the proffitts And the Reversion de- 
scended to the Daughters and Anne dyed without Issue The Moyety 
descended to Philadelphia her sister and heir 

And it farther Appeared by the said Inquisition and otherwise 

That by a decree in the Inquisition mentioned, for as much as 
Bernard Dakin Conveyed the said 3d part to Vincent And that Vincent 
had full notice of the Disposition thereof to Charitable uses The said 
3d part by that Decree was vested in S r ffrancis Leigh &c. and their 
heires in trust to the uses appointed by the ffounder And 

That shortly after the Decree one Henry Clerke (4 May 13 Jac :) 
had a lease of the 3d part from the Trustees at 10 U per Annum rent and 
afterwards assigned his Interest to Rose Wood, who offering to Attorn 
Tennant to the Trustees and Release all farther Claime thereto other 
then what she had by the Lease It was by her and the School Master 
of Rugbys Consent Ordered by this Court That Rose should enjoy the 
Lease only and Convey her other Estate to the Trustees 

And afterwards (17 June 7 Car.), by Agreement between Rose and 
the Succeeding School Master It was by Consent Ordered by this Court 
That Rose should hold out Clerk's Lease she paying 5 U per Annum 
Increase of Rent to the use of the School Master and Almesmen But 
it appeared not that there was ever any Conveyance made to the 
Trustees of the Lands in Brownsover or 3 d part of Conduit Close. 

That the said Trustees (1 May 8 Car. 1st) demised the said 3d part 
to one Pitts for 31 years at 20 n per Annum rent to Comence after 
Clerks Lease But no ffyne was given And 

That John Howkins by vertue of Mean Assignement hath for 11 
years past and still doth receive the profitts of Conduit Close under 
Clerks Lease and hath not dureing that tyme paid any part of the 5 U 
increase of rent But for about 4 or 5 years together deducted seve- 
rall sumes out of the said 10 U per Annum reserved on Clerks Lease for 
pretended damage sustained by Breast works at London drawn thro' the 
said Close and for Taxes out of the said Rent 

That the Lease of Clerk is almost Expired and Pitts Lease for 31 
years is Assigned over to one Blunt who holds the said 3 d part under 
John Howkins and payes him 25 U per Annum Rent and hath soe done 
for 11 years past 

That Anthony Howkins being possessed of the Rectory of Browns- 


over about the time of the Inclosure there by Deed of ffeoffment (about 
41 years since. Dat. 7 Dec. 10 Jac.) Conveyed to Edward Broughton 
Esq. deceased and his heires All the Glebe Lands (save 4 peices of 
meadow) belonging to the Rectory And all Tythes within the Lord- 
shipp of Brownsover at the rent of 28" 17 s 6<i per Annum And Edward 
Boughton in consideration thereof by Deed of ffeoffment Conveyed to 
Anthony and his heires All those Lands Meadow and pasture Esteemed 
to be one yard land as then Measured Containeing about 32 Acres and 
an halfe And Anthony accordingly entered and enjoyed the same and 
received 28 U 17 s 6 (l dureing his Life And after his decease Elias How- 
kins entered and enjoyed the same for 13 years ending about 4 years 
since yet neither they nor Elias Ever had any Lease or Grant thereof 
from the 12 Trustees But have claimed the Inheritance And that 
there was onely the Rent of 16 : 13 : 4d. : to Issue thereout. 

That Jane and Wm. Howkins upon Williams Marriage have made a 
Joynture to his wife of part of the Lands in Brownsover and Executed 
the Deed by Livery and Seizin and Wm : ever since hath been in pos- 
session by vertue of that Deed and Received the profitts which for 
above 30 years have been worth 56 U per Annum And are of far Greater 
value than before the Inclosure the Rectory being before not worth 
above 32 U 17 a 6 a per Annum And since the Rents and Lands granted in 
Lieu thereof are worth 56 U per Annum. 

That Raphael Pierce being before Elected by the surviveing ffeoffees 
was Confirmed to be School Master of Rugby and taught there till his 
death (about May 1651) But Elias Jane and William Howkins paid 
not the 12u per Annum Sallary But detained II 11 17 s 5 a thereof for Taxes 
and quarters whereby he was much dampnified, and Wm : Howkins 
hath not paid him, his Relict nor the Succeeding School Master 3 U for 
a quarter's Sallary due at Midsumer 1651 

That there is due and in Arrears to Mr. Whitehead the present 
School Master, and to the Almes Men out of Conduit Close 26 U 5 s 

That Elias Howkins refused to pay Butler an Almesman put in by 
the Trustees his wages And did violently and of his own Accord dis- 
place him and kept his Lodgeing for 3 years and then put in another 
of his owne Chooseing 

That the Almes Mens Sallary for these 20 years have not been paid 
according to the flounder's Intent But Elias Jane and Wm : have paid 
them more or less as they pleased 

That the Mansion house Schoole and Almeshouses are so ruined 
thai, (notwithstanding 4 U 7 B 6 d disbursed thereabout by the prosecutor 
a year agoe) they will take at least 63 U 10 s to be put in Repair 

That for as much as the said Trustees save S r Tho : Leigh are dead 


and by reason thereof much neglect in performeing the Trust, to the 
prejudice of the Charitable use 

Decree dated 16 May 1653. 

Therefore it is Decreed that the Inheritance of the 3 d part of Conduit 
close and the Parsonage house lands and premisses in Brownsover be 
henceforth vested in Basil ffeilding Thomas Boughton Tho : Temple 
St John Cave Esqre. and others and their heirs To the uses and Trusts 
by the ffounder appointed and by the Inquisition annexed found and 
when any 3 Trustees dye the Survivors to Elect 3 more in their 
Stead And that John 'Howkins (who enjoyed Conduit Close) shall by 
Michaelmas next pay the present ffeoffees 73 U 15" in respect of the 
Arrears of the 5 U per Annum rent thereof and the same to be laid out 
by the ffeoffees as hereafter Expressed And ffor as much as Elias Jane 
and Win : Howkins have enjoyed Brownsover as in their owne Eight 
and have lately made a Joynture to Wms : Wife p?-out Inquisition ut 
Supra whereby the Charitable Gift if not timely prevented will be 
destroyed Decreed 

That the said Wm and Mary his wife be forthwith outed of the 
possession thereof and that all Deeds and Conveyances thereof 
made by Jane Wm or Elias Howkins be void And that Jane who 
was Administratrix to Elias (if she have Assetts) shall by Michaelmas 
next pay 51 1 11 6 s 8 d for profitts received by Elias in his Lifetyme And 
she and Wm. by Michaelmas next pay the said ffeoffees 157 11 6 s 8 d in 
respect of the profitts of Brownsover by them received since Elias's 
death more then they or Elias have disbursed towards the Chari- 
table use 

And the Trustees to Meet and visit the Schoole and Almeshouses 
4 tymes a year That is to say the 1st Tuesday in ffeb: the 1st Tuesday 
in May the 1st Tuesday in Augwst and the 1st Tuesday in November and 
after they have received the said severall sumes they are to pay 59 U 17s 5d 
to Joan Relict of Pierce in Lieu of Arrears due to him during his tyme 
of being Schoole Master and to Mr. Whitehead (now School Master) and 
Almesmen 26 U 5s in Lieu of Arrears and to the Respondent for and 
towards his Charges and for his owne pains in Sueing out the Comission 
and obtaineing this Decree 110" and the Remainder to goe in Repairs 
of the Mansion house Schoole and Almeshouses which is to be done 
with all speed and repay what hath been allready laid out in repairs 
and the remainder (if any) to be distributed according to the Trustees 

And the Trustees in one of their Meetings the first year to Establish 
such Orders concerning the ffreedom of the School according to the 


ffounders intent, and behavior of the School Master Schollars and 
Almesmen as shall be ever constantly kept unless they or the Major 
part shall find Cause to add or alter any thing 

And the ffeoffees upon any vacancy of School Master or Almesmen 
to Nominate and Admit new ones observeing the Sounder's Rules if 
possible or otherwise according to their best understanding and the 
ffeoffees to let the Lands receive Rents and pay Sallaries. 

That the Trustees are to doe nothing in discharge of their Trust 
privately but at their publick Meetings by all or the Major part of 12 

. And the lands not to be lett for any Terme Exceeding 7 years and 
no future Lease till within a year of expirafa'on of the former nor under 
the greatest rent that can be gott and good Security to be given and 
the Rents paid quarterly 

And some of the Issue of John Howkins and Bridgett his wife 
liveing in Rugby or Brownsover (if any such be) that will give good 
Security shall be accepted Tennants before any other at such rents as 
the ffeoffees shall think fitt And the ffeoffees to pay the School Master 
3 U and Almesmen 7s 7d quarterly and out of the Remainder to defray 
repairs and the overplus (necessary Charges of Meeting deducted which 
is not to Exceed 20s per Annwm) to be divided proportionably among 
the School Master and Almesmen and dureing any vacancy the propor- 
tion of his pay to be added to the Remainder of the Rents to be 

And if the Trustees find the Multitude of Schollars to be too Great 
for one Mans teaching they are either themselves to find or Enjoyne 
the School Master to provide an Usher and allow him such Sallary out 
of the overplus of Rents which would otherwise come to the Master as 
they think fitt 

And the Trustees to provide a Chest with 4 Locks and keys and the 
Same not to be opened but at their meetings and all Records Deter- 
minations amongst themselves Counterparts of Leases &c. to be kept 

And if there be no poor Men in Brownsover fit to be Almsmen then 
the Almeshouses to be filled with those of Rugby But if there be in 
both then Rugby and Brownsover Joyntly to fill up the Almeshouses 
according to the will of the ffounder. 

20 Sept. 1653. Wm Howkins John Howkins and one Jane Howkins 
in the Decree mentioned did Exhibite diverse Exceptions to the said 
Decree To which the Responded answered But that Case was never fully 
heard in any part untill the 19 July 1660 when the Lord Chancellor 
upon hearing the case as to the Warwickshire Lands wherein Wm 
Howkins was Concerned directed a case to be made and stated And If 


the partyes differed Then S' Justinian Lewen one of the Masters of 
Chancery was to settle the same But as touching the exceptions of 
John Howkins and as to the Middx Lands over Ruled the Exceptions 
and Confirmed the Comissioners Decree And Decreed the said John 
Howkins to pay the Rents and profitts of the said Lands from Michael- 
mas next after the Decree for so long tyme as he enjoyed the same and 
to pay Costs All vfhich were to be Certified by the said S r Justinian Lewen 

The Master states the Case only upon the Deeds whereby the Charity 
was first founded which are set forth in the Inquisition and leaves out 
all proofes of Misimploymcni : And thereupon makes 2 questions 

1st. Whether the Exceptant ought to pay 16 : 13 : 4 Originall rent 
only or according to the Improved value. 

2nd. Whether the Exceptant is bound to the Repair of all the pre- 
misses in Rugby and Brownsover or of the Buildings of the premisses in 
Brownsover only 

To which Case the Exceptant took Exceptions for that the Master 
had not taken any notice of 2 Decrees formerly made the first 44 Eliz: 
and the other Jacobi whereupon the Respondent petitioned to have the 
proofes heard. 

26 Nov 1667 The said Case upon the Exceptions and proofes 
standing in the paper to be heard by the Right Honble: S r Orlando 
Bridgeman Kn and Bar Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England his 
LordsMpp declared that the Comissioners Decree which had vested the 
Rectory Mansion house and premisses in Rugby and Brownsover in the 
Trustees And alsoe enjoyned the Exceptant to the Repair of the whole 
to be Just for that the said Exceptant was not to have the premisses in 
Rugby and Brownsover as an Inheritance or as a ffarmer in succession 
and soe to perpetuity But as a ffarmer and Tennant onely and that he 
ought to repare the whole. 

And disallowed the Exceptions and Confirmed the Decree of the said 
Comissioners yet nevertheless recomends it to the Trustees and ffeoffees 
to lett the said premisses at a reasonable rate to the Exceptant or some 
of his kindred Inhabiteing in Brownsover from tyme to tyme before 
any other. 

And that Sergt Newdigate and 2 Knights of the Shire should 
nominate such ffeoffees as they should think fitt to supply the places 
of those that were dead And referred it to the said Sr Justinian 
Lewen to tax Moderate Costs against the Exceptant William Howkins 
And for as much as John Howkins had taken Exceptions to the 
Masters Report as to the Costs thereby taxed against him referred it 
back to the said Master either to add or diminish as he shall see Cause 
And what Costs are taxed to be paid to the ffeoffees or whome they 


shall appoint To the end that so much as was Expended by the 
former prosecutor Edward Harrison deceased may be paid to his 
Executor or Administrator and what Costs are due to the now prose- 
cutor Edmond Bromwich may be paid to him. 

Examined by us Kich Broc hurst 

Henry Turner 


Vera copiaJo. NEWLAND, 25 Oct. 1661. 

These are to certify all whom it may concern That I Thomas Lord 
Leigh Baron of Stoneleigh the surviving ffeoffee for the ffree Schoole 
of Rugby having received a Certificate from the Inhabitants of Rugby 
and Brounsover of the ability & learning of Mr John Allen w th their 
desires that I would nominate & appoint him to be Schoole master 
of the ffree Schoole of Rugby, I doe therefore hereby nominate and 
appoint the said Mr John Allen to be Schoolemaster of the ffree 
Schoole of Rugby In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand 
the thirteenth day of October in the twelfth yeare of the Reigne of our 
sovereign Lord King Charles & in the yeare of our Lord 1660. 

(51. a) To all Christian People to whom these presents shall come I 
Thomas Lord Leigh Baron of Stoneley the alone surviving ffeoffee to 
& for the vse of the ffree Grammar Schoole & Almeshouses in Rugby 
in the County of Warwick of the ffoundatfion of Mr Lawrence Sheriffe 
Cittizen & Grocer of London send greeting in our Lord God ever- 
lasting Know yee that I the said ffeoffee according to the trust 
residing in me, and so farre as the Lawes doe pmnitt for pietyes sake 
have named appointed & confirmed my welbeloved in Christ Peter 
Whitehead Schoolmaster of the said ffree schoole which was lately voyd 
first by the desertion & after by the death of Mr Raphaell Peirce 
the last Incumbent there To informe teach & instruct Children & 
others resorting vnto the said ffree schoole togeather with all & 
every the rights members and appurtenances thereof to him the said 
Peter Whitehead in as large & ample manner & forme as any 
Schoolmaster there hath had held & enjoyed or ought to have had 
held & enjoyed the same, hee behaving himself e laudably in that 
respect In witnes whereof I have herevnto set ray hand & scale the 
ffowerth day of December in the yeare of our Lord God One thousand 
six hundred fifty one 


A true copy of the Originall 
Examined the 20th day of ffebruary 
1665 by ED. PALMER 



May y e 4th 1731 John ffrancis. 

for 8 foot of board to nail up y e Study window . .010 

for work and nails 003 

Sep*. 29 for 3 parts of a day removing y e books and putting 

up Shelves 010 

for a lock for y e Study door 020 

Nov. 1 st for 1 days work putting up Shelves for y* Books . 111 

for 18 foot of board for y e Shelves 2 7 

for nails . . 4 

[sic] 087 


Sep. 8. 1628. ' This will conteyning two sheets was settled & pub- 
lished as his last will the eighth day of September 1628 before us : 
Henry Carter, John Wells, John Howkins, I. H., John Harding.' 
Signed and Sealed by Anthony Howkins. 

Summary. A. H. late of Brownsover, recites Edward Boughton's 
method (partly by threatening, partly by protestations of good intent) 
of obtaining A. H.'s signature to a blank paper, by which B. who was 
enclosing the manor of Br. took the tithes on payment of yearly rent 
of 28. 17. 6., though well worth 50. at least ; and took the glebe in 
exchange for a piece of land much less, without any allowance of 
Common for Sheep, Bullocks, Colts, and Horses. Enjoins on his son 
John to rectify it. Legacies to his sons Thomas and William ; if his son 
Elias dies without heirs males, and if the daughters of Elias, Alice, Sara, 
and Mary, are not married, each of them are to have 10 a year up to 
the age of 20 or until marriage. These legacies paid, all his lands in 
Brownsover, Newbold, and Rugby &c. , go to his eldest son Elias, and to 
his heirs males by primogeniture ; in default of heirs males, to the 
second son Thomas, to John the eldest son of Thomas, and his heirs in 
like manner ; the Conduit Close is left to A.'s son John, according to a 
deed of feofment made to him upon good and valuable considerations, for 
that he redeemed the same from John Harborne and paid other sums of 
money for him, and had paid the yearly rent of 10 up to the present 
time. Personal property left to Elias (cows, horses, carts, & movables). 
To the almsmen of Brownsover 1 s a year. All else to his son Thomas, 
who is made sole executor. 


JOHN HOWKIN8 (Reeve, foL 126). 

Proved Nov. 6. 1678. Of South Mima, Middlesex. Leaves landed 
property in Hadley, Brownsover, Middlesex, and the Strand. Describes 
the founding of five almshouses by him founded in South Mims. 
Dying injunction to bis Cousin William Howkins to take counsel's 
opinion about his rights in Brownsover parsonage. 


(Trust papers, No. 72.) 

[Abbreviations or restorations in square brackets.] 


Humbly complaining showeth unto your Honors your dayly Orators 
Jone Pearce the Relict ft Administratrix of the Goods ft Chattells 
Rights ft Creditts of Raphael Pearce deceased, late Schoole Master 
of the ffree Schoole of Laurence Sheriff e of London Grocer situate ft 
being in Rugby in the County of Warriridb, or the late Schoole M r of 
Laurence Sheriffe of London Grocer, Henry Dixon Thomas Joyner 
George Butler ft Nicholas Wright the ffoure present Almesmen of the 
said Laurence Sheriffe of London Grocer in Rugby aforesaid, Thomas 
Harper Mercer Edward Harrison Gent W Tfflman Gent Richard 
Elborowe Poulterer W- Holden Mercer Edward How Baker ft John 
Ayres yeoman, Inhabitants of the said Town of Rugby in the said 
County of Wamrtci, That the aforesaid Laurence Sheriffe late of 
London Grocer deceased was in his life time lawfully seised in his 
demesne as of ff ee of A in the Rectory or Parsonage of Brownsover in 
the said County of Wamcici with all the Rights members ft appurten- 
ances of the same, And of ft in certaine Messuages lands tenement* ft 
hereditament with th'appurfenafue* scituate lying ft being in Rugby 
aforesaid in the said County of Warrwtefc. [After reciting the Inden- 
ture between L. S. and Field and Harrison, and the Will, Codicfl, and 
Intent of Laurence Sheriffe, the deaths of Harrison and Field, the in- 
heritance of the property by Elizabeth Field, her marriage with John 
Dakyn, and Barnard Dakyn's inheriting of it, the indenture between 
him and John Vincent:] By vertue whereof the said John Vincent 
was thereof seised in his demesne as of ffee, And being thereof so 
seised he the said John Vincent did make his last Will ft Testament 
in Writing bearing Date the Three ft Twentieth day of July in the 


ffoure & forteith yeare of the Raigne of the said late Queene Elizabeth 
over England &c. & by his said last Will (amongst other things) did 
giue & bequeathe all his Lands & Tenements unto Rose Vincent his 
then Wife for & during the terme of her naturall life, as by his said 
last Will may more at large appeare, & shortly after departed this life 
hauing issue Philadelphia & Anne his two Daughters & Coheirs being 
then infants of young & tender age, By reason whereof the said Rose 
Vincent was seised of the said Third part of the said Close called 
Conduite Close with th'appurtenances in her demesne as of ffrank- 
tenement, the Reuersion thereof to the said Philadelphia and Anne 
Vincent & their heires & assignes. And after the said Rose Vincent 
the Relict of the said John Vincent tooke to husband one Roger 
Wood gent, who also not many yeares after departed this life. And 
also the said Anne Vincent dyed without issue, By reason whereof 
her moitie of the said Reuersion in ffee of the said Third part of the 
said Close called Conduite Close descended & came to the said 
Philadelphia Vincent as Sister & heire of the said Anne Vincent, & 
then the said Philadelphia Vincent was seised of the whole Reuersion 
in ffee of the said Third part, of the said Close called Conduite Close 
expectant upon the death of the said Rose Wood her mother. And 
yowr Orators further shew unto yowr LordsAipps That shortly after 
the making of a certaine Statute at the Parliament begun & holden 
at Westminster [Oct. 27, 43 Eliz.] now commonly called the Statute 
for Charitable Vses, There issued out of this Honourable Court a 
Commission under the Great Scale of England upon & by vertue of 
the said Statute, bearing Date [Mar. 11, 44 Eliz.] unto Zachary 
Babington Doctor of Law & then Chancellor to the then Bishopp of 
the Diocesse of Coventrie & Litchfield, William, ffeilding, William 
Combes, Edward Stapleton Esquires, Roger Barber & Daniell Nayler 
Masters of Art & Preachers of the Word & others directed. Before 
whom by vertue of the said Commission there was taken at Rugby 
aforesaid in the said County of Warrwicfc [Sep. 30, 44 Eliz.] an Inquisi- 
tion by & upon the Oathes of William Dilkes of Clifton gent. James 
Willington of Brownesover gent ; John Towers of Thurlaston gent & 
others, good lawfull men of the said County of Warrwck, In which 
said Inquisition there was found (amongst other things) the aforesaid 
Gift & Bequest of the said Third part of the said Close called Conduite 
Close with th'appurtenances made by said Laurence Sheriffe unto the 
said George Harrison & Barnard ffeild & their heires, To the Vses, 
Trust & Confidence before mentioned & expressed, And also the afore- 
said Bargaine & Sale of the said Third part of the said Close called 
Conduite Close with th'appurtenances made by the aforesaid Barnard 


Dakyn by the said Deed indented & inrolled bearing Date the aforesaid 
[Nov. 24, 42 Eliz.] unto the aforesaid John Vincent & his heires & 
assignes for ever. And also that the said John Vincent before & at 
the time of his said bargaine & agreement for the purpose thereof had 
notice & knowledge of the Trust & Confidence aforesaid, concerning 
the same, & was then deceased leauing issue the aforesaid Philadel- 
phia & Anne his two Daughters & heires. And further it was found 
that albeit that long before the said Sale made to the said John 
Vincent, the aforesaid Barnard ffeild by his Deed bearing Date [Apr. 
20, 23 Eliz.] did demise the said Third part of the said Close unto 
one Robert Carre for the Terme of Eight & ffortye yeares from the 
Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary then next ensuing for the 
yearely Rent of Eight pounds, yet neuertheles the said Third part of 
the said Close was then worth Twentye Pounds by the yeare at the 
least. Whereupon, & by vertue of the said Commission & Inquisition, it 
was Ordered & Decreed the said [Sep. 30, 44 Eliz. by the said Commis- 
sion] (amongst other things) That the heires of the said John Vincent 
should not at any time thereafter haue challenge or claime any estate 
right title or interest of in or to the said Third part of the said Close ; 
And that the estate & inheritance thereof so purchased by the said 
John Vincent as aforesaid should from thenceforth be & be vested & 
settled in Sir Henry Goodyeare of Polesworth in the said County of 
Warwick Knight, John Harrington Sonne & heire apparant of Sir John 
Harrington of Combe in the said County of Warwick Knight John 
Leigh Esquire Sonne & heire apparant of Sir Thomas Leigh of 
Stoneley in the said County of Warned; Knight ffrancis Leigh Esquire 
Sonne & heire apparant of Sir William Leigh of Newnham Regis in the 
said County of Wanmefc Knight Basill ffeildinge Esquire Sonne & 
heire apparent of William ffeildinge Esquire of Newneham in the said 
County of Warrwick Richard Boughton of Lawford Esquire William 
Dixwell of Coton in the said County of W&rrwick Esquire John Shuk- 
burgh of Shukburgh alias Shukborugh in the said County of WarrwicA: 
Esquire Thomas Wright of Hoppisford in the said County of Warr- 
wick Esquire Michael ffeildinge of Barnacle in said County of Warrwic& 
gent Richard Neale of Rugby aforesaid Gent & James Willington of 
Brownesover aforesaid Gent & in their heires & assignes to the intent 
the same & the Rents revenues issues and proffitts thereof might be 
imployed according to the intent of the said Laurence Sheriffe in the 
said Inquisition appearinge & as in that their Order was thereafter set 
downe, that is to say, That there should be yearely from thence forth 
for ever paid thereof unto the Schoole Master of the said Schoole in 
Rugby for the time being the Summ of ffoure pounds by the yeare at 


the ffeast of the Annunciation & of St. Michaell the Archangel by euen 
persons, & so much more thereof unto the said ffoure poore Almesmen 
as would fully satisfy & pay them weekely according to the intent of 
the said Laurence Sheriffe the full Summ. of Seauen pence a weeke 
with the ffiue pence a weeke which they did then weekely receive of 
the rent of Sixteene pounds Thirteene Shillings and ffoure pence out of 
the said Parsonage of Brownesover, & the residue of the rents revenues 
issues & proffitts of the said Third part of the said Close called Con- 
duite Close they did order should be paid to the ffeoffees or the more 
part of them for the time being respectively to be imployed by them 
in the providing of convenient Lodgings or Houses for the said Almes- 
men according to the intent of the said Laurence Sheriffe appearing in 
the said Inquisition until such provision should be made, & afterwards 
that the same should be imployed in the further Augmentation of the 
Salarie of the Schoole Master & of the further maintenance & allowance 
of the said ffoure poore Almesmen for ever & the repaireing of the 
dwelling house Schoolehouse & Almeshouses according to the intent 
of the said Laurence Sheriffe at & by the discretion of the more part 
of the said Twelve Persons. And moreover Ordered for the better 
securitie of the due payment of the said yearely Rent of Sixteene 
pounds Thirteene and ffoure pence out of the said Parsonage of Browne- 
sover for ever thereafter That in as much as the said Barnard Dakyn 
had as well by Sale of the said Third part, as by sundry offers to sell 
the said Parsonage broken the Trust aforesaid, therefore neither he 
nor his heires should at any time thereafter haue claime or challenge 
any estate right title or interest of in or to the aforesaid Parsonage of 
Brownesover or any part thereof, or of in or to the aforesaid Messuage 
Schoolehouse or any of the Lands Tenements or Hereditaments in 
Brownesover & Rugby aforesaid limited in Trust by the said Laurence 
Sheriffe as appeared by the Inquisition But that the estate of ffreehold 
& the Inheritance thereof which descended unto the said Barnard 
Dakyn from the said Elizabeth his Mother or unto the said Elizabeth 
from the said Barnard ffeild her ffather should be & be vested setled 
deemed & adjudged in the aforesaid Twelue Persons & their heires & 
assignes only to & for such intents & purposes as the same were meant 
& intended to be conveyed & assured by the said Laurence Sheriffe 
appearing in the said Inquisifo'on And whensoever at any time three of 
the said Twelue Persons should be dead they ordered that from time 
to time w^hin Six Moneths after the Death of any three of the said 
Twelue Persons that the said premises in Rugby & Brownsover afore- 
said should be conveyed to the use of the Survivours of them and of 
three other persons to be nominated by the said Survivours or the most 


part of them & to the use of the Survivours & of the said three other 
persons to the intent & trust meant by the said Laurence Sheriffe & 
appearing in the said Inquisition. And further ordered that the said 
Barnard Dakyn or such other as then had in custody the aforesaid 
Deed of Declaration of the Intent of the said Laurence Sheriffe men- 
tioned in the said Inquisition or any other Deeds Evidences concerning 
only the said premises in Rugby & Brownesover aforesaid should within 
Six moneths after notice of that their Order & after request therefore 
made deliver the same unto such persons as should so require the same 
by the appointment of the said Twelue Persons or the more part of 
them to be safely kept in some Chest to be kept & placed in some such 
convenient place in Rugby aforesaid as the said Twelue Persons or the 
more part of them for the time being in their discretion should think 
fit. And also Ordered that Mr. Nicholas Greenehill the then Schoole 
Master of the said Schoole should be & continue Schoolemaster of the 
said Schoole for & during his life to teach Schollars & dwell in the said 
House in Rugby aforesaid & receive such Salarie as he ought to haue 
& doe by the intent of the said Laurence Sheriffe & of that their Order, 
And that the persons which then were Almesmen should also so con- 
tinue during their liues if the said Twelue persons or the more part of 
them in their discretion should finde noe cause to the contrarye. And 
lastly they Ordered by the assent of the said Schoolemaster, That the 
said ffoure poore Almesmen should dwell in the Houses & lodgings as 
then they did till such time as other houses & lodgings should be 
builded or provided for them according to that their Order, & after 
that then the Schoolemaster for the time being to have the same House 
wholly, & untill new & convenient provision of houses should be made for 
the said ffoure Almesmen according to the intent of the said Laurence 
Sheriffe the same ffoure Almesmen not to be put out of the said houses 
then used as Almeshouses in no wise. And that the said Twelue persons 
or the most part of them for the time being should haue at all times 
thereafter the nomination placeing & displacing upon cause given of 
the Schoole Master & also the placeing & displaceing of the said ffoure 
poore Almesmen according to the minde of the said Laurence Sheriffe. 
And that the said Schoole Master & Almesmen should as his will 
was continue their names to be called The Schoole Master & Almesmen 
of the said Laurence Sheriffe howsoever or by what meanes soever 
provision should be made for the habitations of or for the said Almes- 
men other where then, then they were, or for the augmentation of the 
Salarie of the said Schoolemaster or the allowance of the said Almes- 
men of any further maintenance over & above the aforesaid Seauen 
pence a weeke, As by the said Commission, Inquisition, & the said 


Order & Decree remaining of Record in this honourable Court may 
more at large appeare. And your Orators further shew, That shortly 
after the said Suite by the death of the said Mr Nicholas Greene- 
hill the then Schoole Master of the said Schoole, who presented the 
same, lay for a long time neglected, that is to say, untill about [10 Jac.] 
About which time one Mr Augustine Rolfe the then present Schoole - 
Master of the said Schoole sued forth of this Court A Writt de execu- 
tione Ordinis against the said Barnard Dakyn, Rose Wood, Philadelphia 
Vincent & Anne Vincent bearing date [Feb. 17, 10 Jac.] to put the 
aforesaid Order & Decree made by the said Doctor Babington & 
others in execution. Whereupon the said Rose Wood & Philadelphia 
Vincent (the said Anne Vincent being then dead) put in their Exceptions 
to the said Order & Decree Vpon consideration whereof & hearing of 
Councell as well for maintenance of the said Decree as of the said 
Exceptions [May 11, 12 Jac.] before Thomas Lord Ellesmere then 
Lord Chancellor of England, fforasmuch as it then appeared that the 
said Rose Wood & the said Philadelphia Vincent her Daughter heire of 
the said John Vincent were parties interested in the said Third part of 
the said Close called Conduite Close, that is to say, the said Rose for 
her life, & the said Philadelphia her Daughter for the Reuersion in ffee, 
And yet neither the said Rose Wood nor her said Daughter by her 
Guardian being then an Infant, nor either of them were called or had 
notice giuen to them of the said Inquisition whereupon the said Decree 
was grounded nor had their lawfull challenges to the Jurors at the 
taking of the said Inquisition, It was therefore the same day Ordered 
declared & adjudged by his said LordsAipp That the said Inquisition 
& Decree so taken were for the said causes erronious & voide in Law 
as to & concerning the said Lands. And yet newertheles his said Lord- 
shipp intending to maintaine the Charitable Vse in the said Order & 
Decree mentioned so farr as by justice the same ought to be main- 
tained, did further Order that a new Commission should be awarded to 
the then Right reverend ffather in God John Lord Bishopp of London, 
within whose diocesse the said Lands did lye, & to Thomas Edwards 
Doctor of Law, then Chancellor to the said Bishopp & to Sir Henry 
Mountague Knight then his said Majesties Serjeant at Law, Sir Henry 
Yelverton Knight then his said Majestie's Solicitor General], Nicholas 
ffuller, & Henry ffinch Esquire, authorizing them or any fiue foure or 
three of them to enquire of the said Charitable Vse according to the 
Statute aforesaid, As by the said Order (amongst other things therein 
contained) may more at large appeare. Whereupon there issued out of 
this honourable Court another Commission under the greal Seale of 
England upon & by vertue of the said Statute for Charitable Vses 


bearing Date at Westminster [July 4, 12 Jac. to the persons aforesaid] 
directed. Before fiue of whom, that is to say, the said John Lord 
Bishopp of London Sir Henry Mountague Henry flinch Sir Henry 
Yelverton & Thomas Edwards by vertue of the said Commission (they 
hauing called before them the said Rose Wood & Philadelphia Vin- 
cent) there was taken at Hixhall in the said County of Middlesex [Aug. 
9, 12 Jac.] an Inquisition by & upon the Oathes of good & lawfull men 
of the same Countie. In wfo'ch the said Inquisito'on there was also 
found (amongst other things) the aforesaid Gift and Bequest of the 
said Third part of the said Close called Conduite Close with th'appur- 
tcnances made by the said Laurence Sheriffe unto the said George 
Harrison and Barnard ffield & their heires to the aforesaid Vses Trust 
& Confidence, And also the aforesaid Bargain & Sale of the said Third 
part of the said Close called Conduite Close with th'appurtenances made 
by the said Barnard Dakyn by the aforesaid deed indented & inrolled 
[Nov. 4, 42 Eliz.] unto the said John Vincent & his hetres & assignes 
for ever. And also that the said John Vincent before & at the time of 
his said Bargaine & Agreement for the purchase thereof had notice & 
knowledge of the Trust and Confidence aforesaid concerning the same. 
And further it was found, That at the time when the said John Vincent 
did purchase the same of the said Barnard Dakyn, it was of the cleare 
yearely value of Twenty pounds, & that at the time of the take ing of 
the said last mentioned Inquisition it was of the cleare yearely value 
of Twenty & Six pounds of lawfull money of England. Whereupon, 
& by vertue of the said Commission & Inquisi^'on It was Ordered & 
Decreed by the said Commissioners [Oct. 3, 12 Jac.] That neither the 
said Barnard Dakyn nor his heires nor the said Philadelphia Vincent 
the Daughter & one of the Coheires of the said John Vincent deceased 
& Sister & heire to the said Anne Vincent deceased one other of the 
Daughters and Coheires of the said John Vincent nor the wife or wines 
of the said Barnard Dakyn & John Vincent or either of them for & in 
respect of any Joynture to the said such wife or wiues by their said 
husbands respectiuely made after marriage should be at any time there- 
after enabled to haue occupye enjoy claime & demand any estate right 
title or interest of in or to the said Third part of the said Close, But 
that they & euery of them & all person & persons claiming by from or 
under them or any of them should be of all right title interest claime 
and demand of in & to the said Third part of the said Close utterly 
forbarred & excluded for ever. And to the intent that the issues & 
proffitts of the said Third part of the said Close might be for ever there- 
after imployed to & for the aforesaid Charitable Vses & purposes, They 
did therefore Order adjudge & decree that the immediate estate of 


ffreehold & Inheritance of & in the said Third part of the said Close 
should be thereby vested setled & taken & adjudged to be vested & 
setled in Sir Henry Goodyeare of Polesworth in the said County of 
Wsarwiek Knight Thomas Leigh of Stonely in the said County of 
Warrwick Esquire, Sir ffrancis Leigh of Kings Newnham in the said 
County Knight, Basill ffeilding Esquire William Dixwell of Coton 
Esquire John Shukburgh of Shukburgh Esquire Roger ffeilding of 
Barnacle Esquire Richard Neale of Rugby Esquire Sir Clement Throck- 
morton of Hasels Knight Sir Thomas Lucy Knight & Sir Richard 
Varney Knight & in their heires And that the said Twelue persons & 
their heires should stand & be seised in ffee simple of & in the said 
Third part of the said Close to the Vses & Trust so by the said 
Laurence Sheriff e appointed & in the said Inquisition found, And that 
they & their heires out of the issues & proffitts of the said Third part 
of the said Close from thenceforth to be had perceiued taken & raised 
should pay & satisfye to the Schoole Master of the said ffree Schoole of 
Rugby aforesaid for the time being the yearely Sumwt of Twelue 
pounds Ten Shillings & Eight pence at the ffeast of All Saints, & 
Philipp & Jacob the Apostles, by equall portions And to euery the said 
ffoure poore Allmesmen for the time being each of them ffoure pence 
current money every weeke in respect that the said Third part of the 
said Close was improued in yearely proffitt & value to a greater yearely 
value then it was to be letten at the time of the said devise of the said 
Laurence Sheriffe so made of the said Third part of the said Close as 
aforesaid. And they did further Order 1 & decree That the executors or 
administrators of the goods & chat tells of the said late deceased John 
Vincent, hauing assets in Law or equitie in their hands, should within 
Six Moneths next after demand made by the said Twelue Persons 
before in that their Order & decree named or any of them or any 
authorized from them or their heires paye & satisfye to the said 
Twelue persons so formerly named or to some of them or their heires 
or assignes the Summ of Thirty & ffiue Pounds & Ten Shillings 
of Currant English money in respect of the issues & proffitts of 
the said premises so found to haue been taken by him to the said 
John Vincent by colour of his said purpose from the said [Nov. 24 
42 Eliz. to Sep. 1, 44 Eliz.] (being the time of his decease) which said 
premises were by the said Inquisition found to haue beene of the 
yearely value of Twenty pounds during the said John Vincents such 
taking the said proffitts thereof. And they did further Order & 
Decree That the said Rose Wood the Relict of the said John Vincent 

1 But see the Order made 4 Maij, 13 Jac. Kegi*. Note in original. 


should for such time as happened from the said ffirst Day of September 
whereon the said John Vincent dyed to the time of her intermarriage 
with the said Eoger Wood in the said Inquisition named, & the 
executors or administrators of the goods & chattells of the said Roger 
Wood, hauing assetts in Law or equitie, for such time as happened 
from his intermarriage with the said Kose to the time of his decease, 
& the said Rose for such time as happened from the said Roger Woods 
decease to the ffeast of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary 
then last past, should seve?-ally & respectiuely pay & satisfye unto the 
said Twelue persons or some of them or to their heires or assignes in 
lieu & recom pence of the issues & proffitts of the said Third part of the 
said Close found to have beene by the said Rose & Roger for & during 
the said seuerall times respectiuely receiued & taken, such sum?>i & 
summs of money after the rate & proportion of Twenty pounds for one 
whole yeare for the yearely value of the said premises as should be by 
Commission or other Order or direction of the right honourable the 
Lord Chancellor of Englcnd for the time being (to be made in that 
behalfe) rated assessed & taxed upon the said person & persons for 
& during their said seuerall perception & taking of the said proffitts ; 
And that such Summ & Summs so rated assessed & set downe in cer- 
taintie should be by the said Rose for the time aforesaid of her taking 
of the said proffitts both before her such marriage with the said Roger 
Wood as since his decease & by the said executors or administrators 
during the said Roger Woods life after his marriage with the said 
Rose, satisfied & paid to the said Twelue Persons or some of them their 
heires or assignes within Six moneths after demand made thereof, 
Provided that if any issues or proffitts of the premises had beene taken 
or had by the said time or times by or on the behalfe of the said 
Schoole & poore by vertue of any Order or Writ de execu^ione Ordinis by 
his said LorcMipp theretofore granted, Then so much pro rata should 
be decouped & defalked out of the said Summ so to be rated assessed 
& taxed. And touching the issues & proffitts of the said premises 
from the said ffeast of the Annunciation to the day of the making of 
the said Order & Decree, The said Commissions did leave the said 
Schoole & poore to take the benefitt of his l,ordshipps further Order 
therein ffor performance whereof the said Rose had lately entered into 
Securitie in the said Court. And the said Commissioners did further 
order That out of the said Summ & Sum?n,s of money so to be paid & 
satisfied for the meane proffitts of the premises to the said Twelue 
persons their heires or assignes, that they their heires and assignes 
should thereout satisfye & pay to the then present SchooleMaster 
M r Augustine Rolfe the Summ of Twenty & Two pounds Thirteene 


Shillings & ffoure pence by him expended & laid out in the prosecution 
of the said Commission & Suite about the said Decree, & that the 
residue of the meane proffitts in arreare & unpaid should be & remaine 
to the said Schoole Master for his Salarie & Wages in Arreare as afore- 
said. And that the Schoole Master for the time being should thereafter 
be at the Costs & Charges of reparations of the said Schoolehouse & 
Dwellings & Lodgings for the said Schoole Master & Almesmen accord- 
ing to the good discretions of the ffeoffees. And they did also Order 
& Decree That whensoever any Three of the said Twelue persons should 
decease, that then the Survivours or the greater part of them should 
within Six moneths ensuing, & notice thereof to them giuen by the 
Schoole Master for the time being, not only nominate & choose Three 
other persons to make up the said number of Twelue, but should 
convey to the use of themselves & of the said three other persons & 
their heires the said Third part of the said Close to the intent & Trust 
meant by the said Laurence Sheriffe & appearing in the said Inquisition. 
And lastly that within convenient time there should be partition made 
of the said Conduite Close, & that the said Third part then decreed 
should be parted & set out from the said Two other parts, to the end 
the same might be knowne to be the said Schoole & Almeshouse Land 
for euer thereafter. As by the said last mentioned Commission & 
Inquisition & the said Order & Decree thereupon may more at large 
appeare. And your Orators further shew unto your Honours, That 
shortly after the making of the said last recited Decree, Albeit the 
said Third part of the said Close called Conduite Close was found by 
the said last mentioned Inquisition to be then worth Six & Twenty 
pounds by the yeare to be letten, as may appeare by the said Inquisi- 
tion, yet notwithstanding did one Henry Clerke then of Whitechappell 
in the said County of Middlesex gent (who had sollicited the said suite) 
procure the aforesaid Twelue persons named in the said last recited 
Order & decree, by their Indenture of Lease bearing Date the 
Twentieth day of December in the said Twelueth yeare of the Raigne 
of his said late Ma/estie King James over England &c. to demise unto 
him the said Henry Clerke his executors administrators & assignes the 
said Third part of the said Close called Conduite Close for the Terme 
of ffortie yeares to commence from the ifeast day of S* Thomas th' 
apostle next ensuing the date thereof, vnder the yearely Rent of Ten 
pounds only & noe more, payable at the ffeast of th' annunciation of 
the blessed Virgin Mary, the Natiuitie of St. John Baptist, St. Michael 
th' archangel & St. Thomas th' apostle by euen portions. Which said 
Estate & Terme for yeares of & in the said Third part of the said 
Close called Conduite Close the said Henry Clerke by his Indenture 


of Assignment bearing date [May 3, 13 Jac.] did grant. & assigne 
over unto the aforesaid Rose Wood her executors administrators & 
assignes for & during all the residue of the Terme of ffortie yeares then 
to come & unexpired, as by the said Indentures may more at large 
appeare. And your Orators further shew, That afterwards the said 
M r Augustine Rolfe Schoole Master of the said Schoole departed this 
life & one of M r Wilgent Greene succeeded him in the same place. 
Vpon whose complaint in this Honourable Court on the behalfe of 
himselfe & the 4 Almesmen there That the aforesaid Twelue persons 
last before named had demised the said Third part of the said Close to 
the said Henry Clerke at x u per annwm for fortie yeares who after- 
ward assigned the said Lease to the said Rose Wood contrary to the 
said last mentioned decree, the said Third part being of a greater 
yearly value, as by the said decree appeared, & that neither the said 
Philadelphia Vincent in the said decree named & since deceased nor 
her heires had made any Conveyance of the said Third part of the said 
Close to the said ffeoffees & their heires, neither was the same sett 
forth or divided from the other two parts according to the said decree. 
There was afterwards, to wit, [June 27, 7 Jac.] (upon some private 
agreement betweene the said M r Wilgent Greene the then Schoole- 
master of the said Schoole & the said Rose Wood, as your Orators 
verily belieue) an Order drawne up in this Court by & with the consent 
of both parties, That the heires of the said John Vincent & of the said 
Philadelphia Vincent & all persons claiming under him or her or any 
of them should with the free consent of the said Rose Wood upon 
request to the said heires or any of them made at the charge of the 
said Schoole Master & ffeoffees sufficiently assure & convey the said 
Third part of the said Close to the said surviuing ffeoffees, & to ffrancis 
Ashley of Hillmorton in the County of Warrmcfc Esquire, Thomas 
Boughton of Bilton in the said County of Warrwicfc Esquire, Thomas 
Cave of Stamford in the County of Northampton Esquire, William 
Burneby of Rugby aforesaid Esqtu're, & John Newdegate of Arbury in 
the said County of WarnvicJc Esqiure then newly nominated, to theire 
uses & to their heires for ever as in the said Decree is specifyed And 
that then the said Third part at the charges of the said Schoole Master 
should be parted & set forth according to the intent of the said 
Decree, And lastly that the said Rose Wood should be from thenceforth 
permitted quietly to enjoy the same during the residue of the said 
Terme then to come without any further suite or trouble, She the said 
Rose Wood her executors & assignes rendring allowing & paying unto 
the said ffeoffees to the use of the SchooleMaster & Almesmen the 
yearely rent or increase of ffiue pounds over & above the said yearely 

2 c 


Rent of Ten pounds by the said Lease reserued, as by the said Order 
may more at large appeare. Which said Order, nor any other Order, 
drawne up with the consent of the then Schoole Master neither the 
aforesaid Lease of the Third part of the said Close called Conduite 
Close made at first to the said Henry Clerke & after by him assigned 
over to the said Rose Wood, nor any other such like Lease thereof 
made for so long a Terme, & at such an undervalue, either with or 
without the consent of the present Schoole Master, ought not to be, as 
your Orators humble conceive, in any wise prejudiciall to any succeed- 
ing Schoole Master & Almesmen, but that euery Schoole Master for the 
time being, & the ffoure Almesmen for the time being, ought to haue 
the whole benefitt issues & proffits of the said Third part of the said 
Close, or the greatest Rent that would be giuen for the same. But 
now so it is may it please your iiordshipps That noe Conveyance or 
Assureance in the Law hath yet beene made by the right heires of the 
said Barnard Dakyn to the said Twelue Persons nominated in the said 
first recited Decree & their heires of the said Parsonage of Brownesover 
& of the said Messuages lands & tenements in Rugby & Browuesover 
aforesaid or any part thereof, Neither hath any Conveyance or Assur- 
ance in the Law beene yet made of the said Third part of the said 
Close called Conduite Close or any part thereof by the right heires 
of the said John Vincent unto the said Twelue Persons nominated in 
the said last recited decree to be ffeoffees thereof, & their heires, nor 
yet to the said Survivours of the said Twelue Persons & the said other 
Persons added to their number in & by the said last recited Order made 
in this honourable Court, & their heires, nor to any of them, Neither 
hath the said Third part of the said Close beene set forth & divided by 
metes & bounds from the other Two parts of the said Close. But (as 
your Orators are informed) for want of such a Conveyance & Assure- 
ance, notwithstanding the said former Decree made by the aforesaid 
Commissioners respectiuely that the said premises should be vested & 
settled in the said Persons nominated to be ffeoffees, & their heires, the 
said respectiue Estates did still remaine & continue where they were be- 
fore. [" Here derive the descent."] And your Orators further shew, That 
though noe such Conveyance of assurance hath been made as aforesaid, 
yet as the said Twelue Persons nominated in & by the said last recited 
decree to be ffeoffees of the said Third part of the said Close called Con- 
duite Close, upon misinf ormatfion as your Orators suppose of the true value 
thereof did make the aforesaid Lease for ffortie yeares reseruing only 
Ten pounds per annwm, when by the said last Inquisition it was found 
to be worth Six & Twenty pounds per annum, Soe the said Survivours 
of the said Twelue Persons mentioned in the said last recited Order of 


this Court & the said other Persons therin & thereby added unto them 
or the greater part of them, did shortly after the making of the said 
Order upon the like misinformation, as your Orators suppose, by their 
Indenture bearing Date [May 1, 8 Car.] demise the said Third part 
of the said Close called Conduite Close to one John Pytt then of the 
parish of Clerkenwell in the said County of Middlesex gent his exe- 
cutors administrators & assignes for the terme of One & Thirtie yeares, 
To commence from the expiration or other determination of the said 
Lease for ffortie yeares, Keseruing only Twenty pounds per annum pay- 
able at the ffeast of St. Michaell th'archangell & the Annunciation of the 
blessed Virgin Mary by euen & equall portions, as by the said Lease if 
your Orators had the same to produce might more at large appeare. 
When as in truth the said Third part of the said Close was then worth 
as much more by the yeare that is to say, worth ffortie pounds by the 
yeare or thereabouts, & still continueth of the same value, & then might 
& now may be letten for so much. And moreover so it is may it please 
your Honowrs That the said M r Wilgent Greene departing this life, the 
aforesaid M r Raphael Pearce [17 Car., month not stated] was elected 
Schoole Master of the said Schoole, who for his singular Learning & 
Industrye was exceeding fitt for the said Place, & deserued much more 
than his share of the said Rent of Sixteene pounds Thirteene Shillings 
& ffoure pence & of the said Third part of the said Close called Con- 
duite Close did amount to j but his great merrit & paines taking 
notwithstanding one Howkins of Brownsover aforesaid Widow 

that hath beene for many yeares together by her Selfe or her under- 
tenants possessed of the said Parsonage of Brownesover did euer since 
the beginning of these unhappy Warres to the time of his death denye 
to pay unto him the said Raphael & the said ffoure Almesmen the said 
yearely Rent of Sixteene pounds Thirteene Shillings & ffoure pence, 
She the said Howkins deducting a great part thereof for Taxes, 

Whereas the said Parsonage being much improved in yearely value 
over & aboue what it was the said Laurence Sheriffe did grant the 
same to & for the said Charitable Vses as aforesaid, . . . The Schoole- 
Master & Almesmen, as your Orators humbly concieue, ought to haue 
had, & for the time to come ought to haue either the said Rent of 
Sixteene pounds Thirteene Shillings & ffoure pence free from all 
manner of Taxes whatsoever, & the said Taxes to be borne by the 
ffarmers & Tenants thereof out of the residue of the yearely value 
thereof over & above the said Rent of Sixteene pounds Thirteene 
Shillings & ffoure pence, or els the Schoole Master & Almesmen to haue 
had & hereafter to have yearely the whole benefitt issues & proffitts 
of the said Parsonage, And likewise one John Howkins of [Minos ?] in 


the County of [Middlesex?] gent & William Blunt of in the 

Countie of [Middlesex ?] gent that euer since the said Kaphael Pearce 
was elected Schoole Master of the said Schoole, by themselues or their 
undertenants haue beene possessed of the said Third pa?-t of the said 
Close called the Conduite Close claiming the same under & by colour 
of the said Lease for ffortie yeares so made as aforesaid, haue not only 
from the said time denyed to satisfye & pay unto the said Kaphael 
Pearce & the said Almesmen such yearely Summe of money as the said 
Third part of the said Close was truly worth, as of right & according 
to the intent of the said Laurence Sheriffe they ought to haue done, 
but also haue refused to satisfye & pay unto the said Eaphael Pearce 
& the said Almesmen the said yearely Sunm of ffifteene pounds 
mentioned in the said last recited Order of this Court, upon pretence 
that part of the Workes of the Citie of London in the time of the 
Warre was made upon part of the said Close, whereas the said Close 
conteineth Ten acres or thereabouts, & not the quantitie of one acre 
thereof was spoyled by the said Workes. By reason of which said 
unjust dealings of the said John Howkins and William Blunt, & of 
the said Howkins Widow, with the said Raphael Pearce & 

the said Almesmen, the said Messuage Lodgings & Schoolehouse in 
Rugby aforesaid are for want of timely reparations become exceeding 
ruinous, & the said Raphael Pearce for want of the payment of what 
was due unto him as aforesaid, became in extreme want & exceeding 
poore, hauing nothing many times wherewith to provide Bread for 
himselfe his wife & children, vrhich caused a wonderfull weaknesse in 
his body, wAich said weakenesse, for want of sufficient dyet, growing 
more & more upon him, it brought him at last to his much lamented 
death. Which happened in [1651, month not stated] To the great 
losse of your Orators & other Inhabitants of Rugby & Brownesover 
aforesaid & the Townes thereunto adjoyning, whose Children (that are 
to haue the priviledge of the said Schoole) might otherwise to this day 
& for a long time haue there beene taught by so able honest & pain- 
full a Schoole Master. He the said Raphael Pearce leauing behinde 
him your Oratrix [Joan] Pearce his Relict & x Children, but nothing 
wherewith to maintain them, saue the hope of recougring his said 
Arrearages, ffor which purpose your said Oratrix [Joan] Pearce (he 
the said Raphael dying intestate) hath sued forth ~Letteres of Adminis- 
tration of his goods & chattells rights & creditts. In tender con- 
sideration whereof, & for that your Orators haue noe remedie in the 
premisses but in this honowrable Court before your Lo?-eMipps, And to 

i "Set downe the number of bis children." 


the end that the said John Howkins & William Blunt & either of them 
may be compelled to set forth upon their corporall Oathes how long they 
or either of them haue been Tenants or Occupyers or possessors or haue 
taken the issues & proffitts of the said Third part of the said Close called 
Conduite Close, & what Estate they or either of them claime in the same, 
& what is the true yearely value thereof, & what Summs of money they 
or either of them haue paid or caused to be paid to the said M r Raphael 
Pearce & the said Almesmen since the time that he the said M' Pearce 
became Schoole Master of the said Schoole, & when the said Summs 
were paid, And that the said John Howkins & WUliam Blunt or such 
of them that hath had the rents issues or proffits of the said Third part 
of the said Close may be compelled to pay unto your Oratrix [Joan] 
Pearce all that is behinde for all the issues & proffitts of the said Third 
part of the said Close according to the true value thereof, from the 
time that her said Husband became Schoole Master of the said Schoole 
till the day of his Death, it being the only maintainance which is left 
her for her selfe & Children, And to pay for all the issues & proffits 
thereof, according to the true value thereof from the Death of the said 
M r Pearce for & towards the reparation of the said Messuage Lodgings 
& Schoolehouse in Rugby aforesaid, & for the benefitt of the succeeding 
Schoole Master & the said Almesmen, And to the end that the said 
John Pytt may be compelled to set forth upon his corporall Oath what 
Estate or ffuture interest he claimeth of in or to the said Third part of 
the said Close, & that the said pretended Lease for ffortye yeares 
thereof made at the first to the said Henry Clerke, & the said other 
pretended Lease for One & Thirty yeares thereof afterwards made to 
the said John Pytt to commence after the ending of the first Lease, at 
such undervalues, may both of them be made voide by this honourable 
Court, & that the said Third part of the said Close may be set out by 
metes & bounds, & be for euer hereafter sett & lett by such persons as 
shall be made ffeoffees thereof, for the greatest Rent that can be gotten 
for the same, & for noe longer Terme then Seauen yeares or thereabouts 
to commence at the making thereof, & that noe new Lease may be 
thereof made till within one yeare next before the expirato'on of the old 
Lease, & that euery Lease thereof may Covenant to put the said Third 
part of the said Close to noe other use then meadow or pasture, & not 
to digg therein for gravell or for making of Brick or Tyle, or 

to use the same any otherwise then as aforesaid, And to the end that 
the said Howkins may be compelled to set forth upon her 

corporall Oath what Estate she claimeth in the said Messuage Parson- 
age lands & Tenements in Brownesover aforesaid, & how long she hath 
beene Tenant Occupyer or possesser or hath by her selfe or others 


taken the issues & proffitts thereof, & what is the true yearely value 
thereof, & what Summs of money she hath paid or caused to be paid 
unto the said M r Eaphael Pearce & the said Almesmen since the time 
that he the said M r Pearce became Schoole Master of the said Schoole, 
& when the said Summs were paid, & how much of the said yearely 
Summ or rent of Sixteene pounds Thirteene Shillings & ffoure pence she 
hath since the beginning of the Warre deducted for the Taxes or 
for any other cause or colour whatsoever, & that the said 
Howkins may be compelled to pay unto your said Oratrix [Joan] 
Pearce all that is in arreare of the said yearely Summ without any 
abatement for Taxes or any other thing whatsoever, the said Parsonage 
being so much improued in the yearely value thereof, over & aboue 
what it was when the said Laurence Sheriffe did grant the same as 
aforesaid, & to the intent that the said heire of the said 

Barnard Dakyn may be compelled to convey & assure the said Parsonage 
of Brownesover & the said Messuages lands & tenements in Eugby & 
Brownesover aforesaid to the said Twelue Persons hereafter named & 
their heires [blank left for names] & that the said 
heire of the said John Vincent may be compelled to convey & assure 
the said Third part of the said Close called Conduite Close to the 
said Twelue Persons last before mentioned & their heires & both Assur- 
ances to be for the Charitable uses intents & purposes aforesaid, & 
that upon the death of any three of them, the Survivours may be 
Ordered to convey the premises to the use of themselues & of Three 
others to be nominated by the said Survivours or the more part of 
them, & of their heires & assignes. And to the end that the said 
John Howkins, William Blunt, Howkins, John Pytt, 

heire of the said Barnard Dakyn, & heire of the said John 

Vincent may true & perfect answeres make to all & singular the said 
premises, May it please your Lordshipps, the premises considered, to 
grant unto your said Orators the Writ & Writts of Subpena of this 
Court to be directed unto the said [persons already named] thereby 
commanding them & euery of them at a certaine day & under certaine 
paine therein to be comprised to be & personally to appear before your 
Lordshipps in this Court then & there to answere to the premises, & to 
stand to & abide such order & direction therein as to your Lordshipps 
shall be thought to stand with right, equitie, & good conscience. And 
your said Orators shall dayly pray &c. 


ABOEIGINAL Eleven, 329 

' Absence ' called, 136 

Act of 1748, 108 ; of 1777, 122 ; 
of 1868, 301 

Acting at Rugby, 189, 210-212, 

Adams, F. 0., 242 

Aganippe, 248 

Allen, John, appointed ninth Mas- 
ter, 78 ; his salary, 82 ; death, 

Almshouses, the Founder's desire 
to build, 16 ; built, 50, 53 ; ad- 
joining second Schoolhouse, 
109 ; additional, 126 

Almsmen, original allowances, 24 ; 
how chose.:, 27 ; live in the 
Schoolhouse, 27 ; their lodgings, 
32, 34; forcibly ejected, and 
others put in by the Howkins 
family, 62 ; attend prayers in 
school, 80 ; fined for breach of 
this order, 80 ; appear on Speech 
Day, 81, 99; allowances in 
eighteenth century, 95 ; under 
new constitution, 126 

Anniversary meeting of old Rug- 
beians, 207 

Annus mirabilis, 285 

Apperley, Charles, 148, 151, 172. 
See Nimrod 

Appointments : John Allen and 
Peter Whitehead, 389 

Arithmetic master, 130 

Arnold, M., 241 

Arnold, Thomas, twenty-second 
Master, fourth Head-master, 220; 
his task, 223 ; his reforms, 224, 
230, 236 ; his wisdom and tact, 
223, 226, 228 ; his strength, 229 ; 
his motto, 230 ; becomes chap- 
lain, 231 ; preaching, 231 ; sys- 
tem of work, 232 ; fees under, 
235 ; relations with boys, 226 ; 
with masters, 236 ; generosity, 
237 ; limits number of boys, 
237 ; principle of purging, 221, 
237 ; death, 245 

Arnold, W. D., 241, 289 

Arnold-Foster, H. 0., 310 

Arnold Library, 277 

Arrah, hero of, 282 

Art Museum, 306, 318. See 

Ashbridge, Robert, appointed 
eleventh Master, 85 ; begins 
the Register, 85 ; builds a 
storey over the School, 86 ; 
resigns, 87 

Ash-planting, 169 

BAGOT, R., 173 
Balaclava charge, 282 
Barn Close, 198 
Barn School, 133 
Barnes, 0., 283 




Bassevi, Palladio, 281 

Bath finished, 119 

Bath, Head-master's, 135 

Bathing, 119 ; shed erected by 
river, 135 ; Sleath's Hole, 136 ; 
Swifts, 248 ; Aganippe, 248 

Belows, 327 

Benn's bequest, 307 

Benson, E. W., 300 

Berkeley, J. M., 209 

' Big Fry and Little Fry,' 344 

Big Old School, 163 

Big School, 131 ; decorated with 
oak boughs, 142 ; Hake will's, 
202. See also School 

Big Side Bags, 335 

Big Side Books, 270, 335 

Big Side runs, 335 

Big Sides, modern, 323 

Birch, William, 153, 168 

Birch's boarding-house, 180, 188 

Black Tiger,nickname of Ingles, 177 

Bletsoe, Thomas, educated by 
Greene, and sent to Cam- 
bridge, 59 

Bloxam, M. H., 213, 217, 285 

Bloxam, Eichard Rouse, 118, 153 

Bloxam's boarding-house, 180 

Boarders, 54, 60, 86, 90 ; whether 
lodged in masters' houses, 94 ; 
charges under Burrough, 118 ; 
dames' houses, 153 ; charges 
under James, 155 ; under Ingles, 
179 ; under Wooll, 194 ; under 
Arnold, 235 ; food, 259, 293 

Bonfire on the Fifth, 250 

Bookseller, none in Rugby in 1746, 

Booth, A. H., 283 

Booth, C., 287 

(1) Boughton, Edward, 36; ejects 
Seale, 37 ; reasons for his inter- 
ference, 38 

! (2) Boughton, Edward, encloses 
common land of Brownsover, 
54 ; intimidates Anthony How- 
kins and gets possession of 
glebe and tithes, 55 
j Boughton, Sir William, puts in an 
almsman, 62 ; tried to put in a 
master, 74 
i Bourne, A. A., 328 
I Bowden-Smith, E., 328 
I Bowden-Smith, Rev. P., 308 

Bowen, Lord, 286 

Boxing, 214 

Bradby, E. H., 241, 258, 290 

Bradley, Dean, 241 

Brassey, Lord, 286 

Bray, William, 112, 113 

Breaking up, 157, 260 

Breviate of 1653, 382 

Bridget, sister of Lawrence Sher- 
iffe, 2, 17 ; farmer of Browns- 
over, 24 ; holds premises accord- 
ing to the special limitations, 
26 ; death, 38 

Bright, J. F., 280, 290 

Brooks, M. J., 329 

Brownsover parsonage, legend 
that Sheriffe was born there, 1 ; 
purchase of, 11 ; how disposed 
of in will, 24 ; leased to Anthony 
and John Howkins, 26; Founder's 
intent regarding, 46 ; tithes and 
glebe alienated, 54; repara- 
tion demanded, 56 ; taken from 
William Howkins, 71 ; William 
Howkins's heirs to have it at a 
fair rent, 72 ; value in 1670, 84 
note; in 1714, 95 

Buchanan, D., 283 

Bucknill's boarding-house, 180, 

'Buffets,' 216 

Bullock, W. H., 287 



Bullying, 161, 188 
Burges, S. W., 210 
Burrough, Stanley, eighteenth 

Master, 115 ; character, 128 ; 

resignation, 128 
Butcher, Thomas, 130 
Butler, A. G., 290, 300 
Butler, Samuel, 149, 171, 192 
Butler's leap, 281 
Byrne, J. R., 289 

CADETS' Trophy, 330 

Caldecott's, 306 

Calling-over, 203 

Carey, H., 172 

Carey, O., 242 

Carre, Robert, a friend of Harri- 
son's, 40 note, 41 note ; takes 
lease of Conduit Close, 40 

Carte, Thomas, 90 

Case, T., 328 

' Case's Gallows,' 328 

Castens, H. H., 328 

Cave, Ambrose, 86 

Cave, Edward, 91 

Cave, Sir Thomas, gets a Bill 
through Parliament for em- 
powering Trustees to raise 
money for new schools, 108, 113 

Challenge Shield, Wimbledon, 330 

Chamberlain, Austen, 310 

Chapel, contract for, 204 ; descrip- 
tion, 205 ; roof, 234, 284 ; win- 
dows, 234, 284 ; transepts added, 
278, 284; alterations in, 284; 
altar-piece, 285 ; memorable ser- 
vices in, 245, 300 ; enlarged, 304; 
new windows, 304 ; latest en- 
largement, 308 

Chapel clerk, 134 

Chaplain, 134, 206 

Chartres, James, 130 

Choir, 206 

Christmas presents, instituted by 
James, 154; abolished by Ingles, 

Churchyard, boys play in, 110 

Claughton, T. L., 209 

Clerk appointed, 79, 126 

Clerke, Edward, chosen to be 
sixth Master by householders 
of Rugby, 63 ; confirmed by 
Chancery, 63 ; a Rugby man, 
perhaps educated at the School, 
64 ; his after career, 64 note 

Clerke, Henry, takes lease of 
Conduit Close, 56 

Clifton, A. B., 168 

'Clodding,' 216 

Close, the, plan of, in 1750, 197 ; 
made into a playground, 198 ; 
added to, 278, 285 

Clough, A.H., 240,270 

Clowes, G. G., 282 

< Co,' 203 

Coaching, 191 

Cock House, 334 

Cock of the School, 214 

Cock, the, 249 

Cocktail Club, 273 

Combing-house, 163 

Commission, Public Schools, 301 

Commission, First, 44; Second, 
51, 52 ; Third, 71 ; case finally 
settled, 72. See also Inquisition 

Conduit Close, purchase of, 10; 
how jlef t by Founder's will, 19 ; 
original value, 23; Founder's 
intent as to, 46 ; and lease to 
Robert Carre, 40; value in 1602, 
40, 50; inherited by Elizabeth 
Field, 40; by Barnard Dakyn, 
40 ; conveyed to John Vin- 
cent, 40, 44; sale annulled, 
49; redeemed from John Har- 
borne, 57 note; treated by 



Anthony Howkins as his own, 
56, 57 note; occupied by John 
Howkins, and left to him by 
Anthony, 57 note; leased to 
Henry Clerke, 56 ; rented at 
15, 58 ; damaged in the Civil 
Wars, 67; leased and sublet 
by John Howkins, 70 ; rents 
in 1670, 84 note ; building lease 
to Barbon, 88 ; partition, 88 ; 
lease to Milman, 95 ; rents in 
1808, 196 

Conington, Prof., 240 

Constitution of School remodelled, 
121, 301 

Cooper, B. B., 328 

Corporal punishment, 228 

Costume, football, 323 ; cricket, 

Cotton, W., 185, 187 

Cox, Sir G., 280 

Crealock, Major-Gen., 282 

Crick run, 271 

Cricket first mentioned at Kugby, 
170; further, 262, 283, 287; 
present organisation. 326 ; 
Young Guard, 326 ; first pro- 
fessional, 327; 'distinctions,' 
327 ; ' belows,' 327 ; costume, 
327 ; exported to the Cape, 328 ; 
to Australasia, 329 

Cross, Lord, 242 

Crossfield, Mrs., matron to Mr. 
Knail, 105 ; has rooms in second 
Schoolhouse, 109 

Crossfield, Thomas, appointed 
fifteenth Master, 103 ; record, 
103 ; character and reputation, 
104 ; death, 105 

DAKYN, Barnard, inherits Conduit 
Close, 40 ; conveys it to John 
Vincent, 44, 47 ; refuses to pay 

Schoolmaster, 44; files bill in 

Chancery against Greenhill, 51 ; 

writ de executions against, 52 
Dakyns, C. S., 288, 324 
Dames' houses, 153, 156, 164, 180, 

195 ; abolished by Arnold, 236 
Dancing, 136 
Davey, Sir H., 281 
Davies, Morris, 324 
Dawson, J., 287 
Debating Society, 246, 289, 313 
Declamations, 140 
Derby, Lord, 242 
Dining School, 163 
* Distinctions ' in football, 323 ; in 

cricket, 327 
Divine service on Sunday, School 

first united for, 116 : held in 

School, 134 
Dodgson, C. L., 279 
Douglas, Archibald Stewart, 116 
Drawing, 137 
Drawing School, 307 
Dress, 158, 213 
Drinking, 273 
Durnford, Thomas, 93 
Dyke Acland, A. H., 310 
Dymoke, John, 118 

EDEN, Sir A., 281 

Ellis, Prof. K., 286 

Ellis, W. W., influence on the 

game of football, 218 
< Ends,' 326 

Epidemic in School, 98 
Eranos, 316 
Evans, Charles, 300 
Eve, H. W., 286 ' 
Examination before the Trustees, 


Examiners first employed, 178 
Expenses at Kugby under Holy- 

oake, 95 



FAGGING, 161, 169, 189, 252, 293, 

301, 342 ; fags paid, 162 
Fencing, 137 

Field, Barnard, a Trustee, 20 ; ap- 
prenticed to the Founder, 22 ; 
mercantile dealings, 22, 23; 
embroiled with Sultan of Bar- 
bar y, 22, and Philip of Spain, 23 ; 
the active Trustee, 28 ; associ- 
ated with Edward Boughton, 
37 ; a Papist, 37 ; his probable 
honesty, 39, 40, 45 ; death, 41 

Field, Edward, 209 

Fifth of November, 250 

Fighting at Rugby, 167 

Fire-engine, 127, 331 

Fires in studies, 163 ; in schools, 
163 ; in houses, 332 

Fishing. 159, 250 

Football first mentioned, 190 ; in 
Wooll's time, 217 ; origin of 
'Rugby' game, 218; in Ar- 
nold's time, 262 ; rules codified, 
288 ; standing on goal bar, 288 ; 
off-side, 288; in verse, 292; 
navvies, 292; teams of fifteen 
first played, 321 ; first foreign 
match, 321; fifteen fixed as 
number of team, 322; 'dis- 
tinction,' 323 ; Union, 326 

Foreign match, first football, 321 

Forms, School divided into, 137 

Foundationers, 24, 125, 131 

Fox, H. W., 243 

Francis, C. K., 328 

'Freedom of the Fifth,' 339 

Freemasons 1 Tavern, Old Rug- 
beians meet at, 207 

French masters, 134 

GALLERY in church allotted to 

the School, 116 
Gallery, Oxford, 142 

Games Committee, 323 

Garden bought, 96, 200 

Garden Close, 198 

Gardner, J. C., 329 

Gascoigne's boarding-house, 182 

Gawler, Col., 283 

Genealogical tables, 363 

Gentleman usher, 314 

'George,' old Rugbeian dinner at, 

Glyn, H. C., 243 

Glyn, R. R., 282 

Godley, Sir A., 308 

Goschen, G. J., 280 

Goulburn, Edward Meyrick, 
twenty-fourth Master, sixth 
Head-master, 283, 293 

Goulburn's field, 285 

Governing Body first appointed, 

Greek verses, first done at 
Rugby, 138 ; Dr. James's prize, 

Green, Prof. T. H., 285 

Greene, Wilgent, fifth Master, 
appointed, 58, 59; perhaps by 
people of Rugby, 61 ; makes 
private agreement with Rose 
Wood, 58; sends boys to the 
Universities, 59; a successful 
Master, 60 ; death, 61 

Greenhill, third Master, also called 
Hill, 13 note; associated with 
Edward Boughton, 36; ap- 
pointed by Field, 38 ; probation 
of three years, 39 ; salary, 39 ; 
distinguished from a namesake, 
41 ; his will, 42 ; educates John 
Howkins, 42 ; well to do, 43 ; 
builds additions to school-house, 
43 ; repairs premises, 43 ; adds 
wainscot, &c., 43 ; his wife, 43 ; 
suit in Chancery, 44 ; confirmed 



in his post by Chancery, 49 ; 

death and will, 44 
Grocers' Records, extracts from, 


' Guttle,' 216 
Gymnasium, 305 

HACKING, 265 ; abolished, 324 

Hakewill, architect of third 
School, 196 ; builds chapel, 
205 ; library, 207 

Half-holidays, 136 

Halford, Eichard, educated by 
Greene, and sent to Cambridge, 

Hall, 259 

Hall, W. H.,210 

Halliday, F. J., 209 

Hall -licking, 257 

Hanmer, H., plucky deed of, 187 

Harrison, George, a Trustee, 20 ; 
birth and residence, 21 ; pro- 
perty, 21 ; family, 21 ; influence 
in the Trust, 28 ; death, 41 ; 
identity, 28, note. 

Harrison, Knightley, birth and 
parentage, 59, 85 ; educated at 
Rugby School, 59 ; enters at 
Sidney Sussex, Cambridge, 59 ; 
appointed tenth master, 84 ; | 
bond of resignation, 84; resigns, 

Hart, H. G., 311 

Hatherton, Lord, 209 

Hay, Sir J. C. D., 243 

Hayman, Henry, twenty-sixth I 
Master, eighth Head Master, ! 
304 ; resigns, 305 

Head Master, first provided for in 
1777,123. See Master 

Hills, R S., 287 

Hinton, C. H., 311 

Hiorn, architect, surveys premises, 

Hodgeson, S. H., 285 

Hodgkinson, Joseph, 94 ; interi ex, 

Hodson, 242 

Holbeche, E., 187 

Holidays, 157 

Holmes, E. C., 326 

Holt, Charles, 91 

Holyoake, Henry, appointed thir- 
teenth Master, 88 ; parentage 
and career, 88, 89 ; holds sun- 
dry livings with the school, 89; 
increase of school under, 90 ; 
held in high respect, 91, 92 ; 
keeps a cousin at school, 93 ; 
numbers of boys under, 93 ; his 
cousin keeps house for him, 94 ; 
property and will, 95 ; Speech 
Day, 96 ; exercises on Speech 
Day, 97 ; epidemic in school, 
98 ; bequeaths library to school, 
99 ; disappearance of library, 
100 ; death of Holyoake, 101 

Holyoake, Judith, 94 

Homes, Philip, 152 

Horsman, E., 209 

Hort, Professor, 240 

House competitions, 191 

House end, 68 

House-fagging, 254 

Houses, 180 

House supper, 158 

Howkins, Anthony, birth, 2, 14; 
takes lease of Brownsover from 
trustees, 26 ; perhaps mover in 
the petition against Scale, 38 ; 
will, 42; sues out first com- 
mission, 44 ; alienates glebe 
and tithes of Brownsover, 55 ; 
said to have enjoyed Browns- 
over without lease, 56 



Howkins, Elias, enjoys Browns- 
over without taking a lease, 56 ; 
keeps a book of receipts, and 
pays the Master himself, 57 ; 
educated under Greene, 57 note 

Howkins, John (1), husband of 
Bridget, 17; death, 38. See 
also Bridget 

Howkins, John (2) (son of An- 
thony), takes joint lease with 

- Anthony of Brownsover pro- 
perty, 26 ; death, 26 

Howkins, John (3) (son of An- 
thony), armiger, 9 ; educated 
at Kugby School, 42 ; barrister, 
42 ; gets possession of Conduit 
Close property, 70 ; sub-lets it, 
70 ; heart of the opposition to 
charity, 71; applies for third 
commission, 71 ; one of his 
family accused of burning docu- 
ments, 71 ; death and will, 73 

Howkins, John (4), barrister, 26 

Howkins, widow, keeps back part 
of Master's salary, 66 

Howkins, William (son of Elias), 
enjoys Brownsover without 
taking a lease, 56, 70; mar- 
riage, 70 ; Brownsover property 
taken from him, 71 ; arrears to 
be paid, 71 ; put in prison and 
released, 82 

Hudson, Sir J., 209 

Hughes, T., 233, 240 

Humphrey, A. P., 330 


Influence of Rugby on education, 
300, 349 

Ingles, Henry, twentieth Master, 
second Head Master, 177 ; seve- 
rity, 177 ; description, 178 ; 

ab ishes Christmas presents, 
introduces examiners, 178 ; rules 
for studies, 180 ; reduces the 
School House, 180 ; numbers 
under, 181 ; character, 181 ; 
death, 181 

Innes, George, 152 

Inquisition of 1602, Appendix, p. 
366 ; possible error in, 28 ; its 
proceedings, 48 ; finding and 
decree, 48 

Intent of Lawrence Sheriffe, 

Interregnum, 68, 74, 83, 101 

Irby, E., 187 

Isham, George, passes from Rugby 
to Cambridge, 53 

Island, 184, 198, 254, 339, 340 

Island fagging, 255 

JAMES, G., 187 

James, Herbert Armitage, twenty- 
ninth Master, eleventh Head 
Master, 308 

James, J., 172 

James, Thomas, nineteenth Master 
and first Head Master, 129; 
qualifications, 129, 130 ; ap- 
points and pays ushers, 130; 
salary, 131 ; profits, 154 ; gene- 
rosity, 134 ; regulations for daily 
life and work, 136, 137 ; fond 
of mathematics, 139 ; discipline. 
146, 147 ; did not spare the rod, 
148 ; his jests, 167 ; retires, 173 ; 
epitaph, 175 

Jayne, F. J., 311 

Jeacocks, Leonard, appointed 
twelfth Master, 87 ; school falls 
off under, 88 ; death, 88 

Jex-Blake, T. W., 282 ;' twenty- 
seventh Master, ninth Head 



Master, 305 ; gift of swimming 
bath, 305, 306 ; changes under, 

KELLY, H. F., 288 

Kempson, W. J., 283 

Kenney, E. M., 328 

Kincardine, Earl of, 104 

Kitchener, F. E., 286, 300 

Knail, William, appointed six- 
teenth Master, 105 ; description 
by old pupil, 112 ; resignation, 

'Knuckling down,' 344 

LABORATORY built, 298 

Lamb-singing, 343 

Landor, W. S., 138, 152; his 
scholarship and ready wit, 165- 
166; grievance and removal, 167; 
athletic feats, 168 

Laurentian, the, 316 

Law, A. P., 283 

Lea, W., 270 

Leaflet, the, 316 

Leaping, 255 

Lee- Warner, W., 308 

Legge, E., 173 

Leigh, family of, connected with 
the School, 49 

Leigh, Thomas, Lord, petition of 
Pearce to, 65 ; appoints White- 
head, 75; 'last surviving 
feoffee,' 75 

Leighton, F. K., 209 

Leslie, C. H. F., 328 

Lessons, five, in the day's work, 
instituted by Thomas James, 
136, 138, 139 

L'Estrange, trick played on, 164 

Leve"e, Sixth Form, 246 

Levies, School, Big Side, Sixth, 
House, 292, 338 

Lewis Carroll, 280 

Librarian first appointed, 195 

Library Bill, 390 

Library left by Holyoake, 99 ; 
room set apart for, 102; weeded 
and added to, 104; under 
James, 144 ; librarian, 195 ; 
built, 233 ; Arnold Library, 
277 ; Temple Library, 306 

Lillywhite, John, first cricket 
professional, 327 

Lincoln's Inn Records, 362 

Locking up, 137 

Locock, Sir C., 209 

Lushington, S., 172 

Lye, Henry, 130 

Lyttelton, W. H., 165 

MACKIE, Jem, 263 

Macready, W. C., 188, 210-212 

Maling's boarding-house, 180 

Mansel, John, 113 

Mansel, E., 173 

Mansfield, W., 310 

Mansion-house. See Schoolhouse 

Marlborough match, 327 

Mason, Richard, goes from the 
School to St. John's Coll., Cam- 
bridge, 66 

Master of School, original qualifi- 
cations and emoluments, 24 ; 
first appointed, 28 ; second and 
succeeding Masters, 35, 51 ; 
salary of Greenhill, 39, 49; of 
Rolfe, 52 ; Master chosen by 
Rugby householders, 61 ; re- 
ceives rents of property, 79 ; 
entertains Trustees at quar- 
terly meetings, 79 ; salary of 
Allen, 82; gives a bond for 
resignation if required, 84 ; 
salary of Harrison, 85 ; income 



of Jeacocks, 88 ; of Holyoake, 

95 ; of James, 131 ; present 

day, 302 

Mathematics, 139 
Maul in goal, 246 
Mayor, Prof., 241 
Merit money, 141 
Meteor, 316 
Middle week, 293 
'Minister,' the, in Debating 

Society, 315 

Missions, School, 307, 332 
Mitford, Lieut. -Col., 287 
Moor, Christopher, 130 
Moor's boarding-house, 180 
More, A. G., 281 
Museum, 277, 306, 318 
Music, 318 

NAPIER, Prof., 311 

Natural History Museum and 
Library, 320 

Natural History Society, 320 

' Navvies,' 274 

New Big School, 306 

New Close, 285 

New Quadrangle, 299 

New Rugby Magazine, 316 

Nile, battle of, Rugbeian present 
at, 173 

Nimrod, 142, 164, 168, 170, 185. 
See Apperley, C. 

No-caps, 253, 264, 299 

Notes for tradesmen, established 
by James, 141 

Numbers at School under Holy- 
oake, 90, 120 ; Knail, 112 ; Bur- 
rough, 119 

Nursery, sick, 135 

OAKELEY, Sir H., 281 
Oakeley, R. B., 280 

Open scholarships instituted, 298 
Ordeals, 216 
Organ, 134, 206 
Organist, F. Marshall, 206 
Osborne, Lord S. G., 209 
Over-School, 111, 189 

PALMER, Roundell, 209 

Paradise, 111, 189 

Parkhurst, John, 104, 172 

Parry, Long, 191 

Particulars for Grants, 364 

Paul, William, 91 

Pearce, Raphael, seventh Master, 

65 ; vicar of Itchington, 64 ; 

character, petition to Trustees, 

65 ; poverty, 66, 67 ; sends a 

pupil to Cambridge, 66 ; ceased 

to teach before his death, 68; 

accused of breaking up beams 

and benches for firewood, 68 ; 

death, 67, 68, 74 ; interregnum, 


Pendred, 250 
Pension scheme for masters 

Percival, John, assistant to Dr. 

Temple, 300 ; twenty - eighth 

Master, tenth Head-master, 306 
Perkins, Henry, 86 
Petition of Anthony Howkins, 


Petition of N. Greenhill, 365 
Petition of Joan Pearce, 391 
Petition of 1581, 374 
Petition of inhabitants of Rugby 

in favour of Edward Clerke as 

Master, 61 
Pettiver, James, 86 
Pettiver, William, Latin verses by, 

Phayre, Sir R, 310 



Phillipps, Sir T., 209 
Phillpotts, J. S., 300 
Pig and Whistle, 248 
Pinckney, W. J., 329 
Pinley, John, usher under Holy- 

oake, 93 
'Play' (half-holiday) for copies, 

136, 159, 178 

Playground first mentioned, 110 
Playhouse in Kugby about 1720, 

Plomer, John, educated at the 

School, 101 ; usher under Holy- 

oake, 93, 102 ; fourteenth Master, 

101 ; takes living of Bilton, 101 ; 

sets apart room for library, 102 ; 

not successful as Master, 102 ; 

resigns, 103 
Plus, Billy, 184 
Pocket-money, 141 
Pond Close, 198 
Pontines, 285 
Poole, R. B., 286 
Port, J., 170 
Posers or examiners first employed, 


Potts, A. W., 300 
Powell's house, 164 
Powell, York, 311 
Praepostors, privileges and duties, 

146 ; called over in church, 146 ; 

bullying tastes, 189, 257, 301 
Preparation, 137 
Preparatory school, 180 
Pretty, E., drawing-master, makes 

sketches of Old School, 109 
Price, Bonamy, 275 
Prizes first established, 194 
Proby, G. L., 173 
Punishment paper, 141 

QUEEN Dowager visits the School, 

RATTEAY, D., 210 

Rebellion, Great, 182 

Rebellions under James, 150 ; 
under Ingles, 182 ; later, 294, 

Rebuilding of School under con- 
sideration, 105, 133, 182 

Register, School, begun, 85 

Reve, Thomas, 11, 12 

Rhoades, H. T., 304 

Richmond, Joseph, seventeenth 
Master, 115; makes no entries 
in Register, 115; resignation, 

Roasting, 169 

Robertson, J., 300 

Robinson, D., 188 

Rolfe, Augustine, fourth Master, 
51 ; perhaps elected by people 
of Rugby, 61 ; gets a writ de 
executione against Dakyn, 52; 
sends boys to Cambridge, 53 ; 
death, 58 

Rolston, Edward, first Master, 34 

Rugby and English education, 300, 

Rugby in the sixteenth century, 
28, 30 ; in seventeenth, 29 

Rugby Magazine, 247 

Rugby Miscellany, 290 

Rugby Trust, how originally insti- 
tuted, 20 ; income in 1780, 121. 
See Trustees 

Rugby Union Rules drawn up by 
old Rugbeians, 326 

Run, Prize Poem, 213 

Running Eight, 336 

Runs, 159, 255, 270 

Rutter, E., 287 

SALARY. See Master 
Sally Harrowell, 278, 298 



Sanatorium, 135, 278 

Sandford, E. G., 287 ; a ' jolly 

good fellow,' 305 
Saumarez, P., 200 
Scheme of work under James, 137 
Scholarships and exhibitions, 302 
School end, 68 

School, Founder's desire to build, 
16 ; his directions concerning, 
24 ; time and cost of building, 
"27; description of original 
building, 32 ; in ruin, 68 ; orders 
drawn up by Trustees and 
placed there, 80 ; repairs of, 
85, 87, 96, 105; storey built 
over, 86, 94 ; thatched or tiled, 
87 ; pulled down, 111 ; second 
School built, copied from the 
old, 110 ; removal to, 111 ; at 
Speeches, 99, 131, 142 ; scheme 
for rebuilding, 182 ; carried out, 
195 ; description, 201 
Schools, additional, 119, 131 
School House built by the Founder, 
14 ; carried rights of two cottage 
commons, 15 ; extent of grounds, 
19 ; plan of grounds, 107 ; de- 
scription of original building, 
32 ; almsmen lodge therein, 32, 
34; additions built by Green- 
hill, 43; burnt down, 43; in 
ruin, 68 ; repairs of, 85, 87, 96, 
105 ; survey of premises by 
Hiorn, 106 ; report, 106 ; pur 
chase of house on Market-place 
proposed, 106 ; new house 
bought, 108; removed to new 
house, 112; old house pulled 
down, 112 ; scheme for rebuild- 
ing again, 182 ; carried out, 195 
description, 200; new studies 
School-life under James, 158 ; in 

Arnold's time, 257; later, 291, 

School work, 345 
Sclater, Edward, educated by 
Greene, and goes to Cambridge, 
Scale, Richard, second Master, 35 ; 

ejected, 37 
Selous, F. C., 310, 320 
Sergeant at Arms (Debating 

Society), 290 
Sheriffe, Lawrence, birth and 
parentage, 1, 13 ; probably born 
at Rugby, 2 ; age, 2 ; education, 
2 ; apprenticed to William 
Walcott, 3 ; grocer by appoint- 
ment to Princess Elizabeth, 4, 
5 ; defence of Elizabeth against 
her opponents, 4 ; at court, 6 ; 
on the livery of the Grocers' 
Company, 7 ; grant of arms, 9 ; 
house in Newgate St., 10 ; buys 
Conduit Close, 10 ; his wife, 10, 
12; New Year's gifts to and 
from Queen Elizabeth, 10; 
speculates in land, 11 ; buys 
messuages in Rugby, and builds 
mansion-house, 14 ; sworn into 
Assistance of Grocers' Company, 
15; second Warden, 15; his 
household, 15; illness, 15; 
makes will and intent, 15 ; last 
visit to Rugby, 16 ; adds codicil 
to will, 16 ; death and burial, 
17, 18 

Sherrard, W. C., 326 
Shirking, 170, 340 ; abolished, 


Shirley, H., 210 
Sibyl, the, 316 

Sick Nursery, 163. See Sanatorium 
Sick rooms in each boarding-house, 



Sidgwick, A., 285 

Sidgwick, Prof. H., 286 

Singing in Hall, 252 

Singlestick, 152 

Singleton, John, called the ejected 
Head Master of Rugby, 82, 83 

Sixth Form, character, duties, 
privileges, 337 

Sixth match, 266 

Sldpwith, Thomas, 104 

Sleath, John, 117, 152 

Sleath, William, 117, 130, 151 

Smoking-out, 260 

Somerville, Lord, 187 

Sorrel, H. A., 243 

Speech day under Holyoake, 96 ; 
held at the August meeting of 
Trustees, 96 ; compositions re- 
cited at, 97, 98, 99 ; floor strewn 
with rushes, 99 ; under Bur- 
rough, 119; under James, 142; 
big school decorated with oak 
boughs, 142 ; time changed to 
June, 144 

Spencer Cup, 330 

Sports, 159, 334 

Spread Eagle, old Rugbeians meet 
at, 207 

Stanley, A. P., 233, 240; monu- 
ment, 306 

Stanley's boarding-house, 180 

' Stodge,' 345 

Stokes, F. , 326 

Story, Elizabeth, 95 

Street-lighting in Rugby, 248 

Studies, 131, 137, 185, 155; de- 
scription in James's time, 162 ; 
rent, 162 ; in dames' houses, I 
163, 164; how heated, 163; j 
Ingles tries to give each boy a j 
separate one, 180; under Arnold, 

Study-licking, 257 

'Swan' bought for the school, 


Swifts, 248 
Swimming, 250 
Sykes, P. M., 310 
Sykes, W. H., 326 

TAIT, Archibald Campbell,twenty- 
third Master, fifth Head-master, 
275; home life, 277; resigns, 

Tait's field, 285 

Tawney, C. H., 286 

Tea, a luxury, 163 

Temple, Frederic, twenty - fifth 
Master, seventh Head-master, 
297 ; Science, Open Scholar- 
ships, 298; abolishes standing 
in goal, 299 ; resigns, 300 

Temple, Sir R., 242 

Temple reading-room, 306 

Tercentenary, 299 

Thompson, Sir E. M., 286 

Thornton, S. f 244 

Thos, 194 

Three trees, 198 

Throttling at football, 264 

' Tolly,' 343 

Tompkinson, E., 170 

' Tosh,' 305, 306 

Trafalgar, Rugbeian present at, 

Tree moved, 298 

Treen, 'Mother' or 'Queen,' 

Trevor, R., 210 

Trustees, how originally consti- 
tuted, 20 ; duties, 28 ; in early 
years little fault to be found, 

26 ; appoint first almsmen, 27 ; 
place them in the Schoolhouse, 

27 ; build a school, 27 ; appoint 



first Master, 28 ; first Board of 
Twelve appointed in 1602, 48 ; 
second Board, 52 ; laxity of, 52, 
56, 57, 61, 62, 79 ; appointed by 
Chancery in 1632, 61 ; in 1653, 
71 ; property vested in them, 
regulations for meetings, 71, 72 ; 
attend Speeches, 96 ; die off 
down to one survivor, 78 ; dis- 
sensions among, 78 ; turn over 
a new leaf, 79 ; appoint clerk 
and begin account, and order 
books, 79 ; make orders for 
School, 80 ; take a bond from 
Master for resignation if re- 
quired, 84 ; neglect their meet- 
ings for some years, 103 ; save 
money for improvements, 106 ; 
present duties, 301 

Trustees' Hooks, Kugby, extracts 
from, 376 

Turf-cart fagging, 256 

Turner, D. P., 324 

T. V. W., the, 316 

Tyrwhitt-Drake, 310 

UNIVERSITY drag, 248 
Upper Boys' Room, 163 
Ushers, 74, 93, 101, 102, 115 ; first 

appointed by Trustees, 130; 

salary of, 130 ; additional, 133 ; 

under James, 151, 153 ; salary, 

153, increased, 179 ; pension 

scheme for, 195 

VAUGHAN, C. J., 240, 275 
Vaughan, H. H., 209 
Vaughan, Sir Henry, 117 
Vaughan, Peter, 153 
Veteran's trophy, 330 
Vickars, E. R. F., 283 

Victoria Cross, 282, 287 

Vincent, John, buys share of 
Conduit Close, 48 ; death, 48 

Vincent, Rose. See Wood, Rose 

Vivarium, 320 

Volunteer Corps, 186, 329 ; organi- 
sation, 331 ; rifle range, 331 

WACE, Prof., 286 

Waddington, W. H., 242 

Wake, D., the hero of Arrah, 282 

Walhouse, E. J., 209 

Walker, F. W., 281 

Walker, Sir George, 117 

Walker, J., 244 

Warburton, W. P., 289, 291 

Waterloo, Rugbeians at, 168, 187 

Watney, H., 329 

Webb, Bishop, 286 

Wheler, Edward, Speech Day 

composition of, 97 
Wheler, F., 210 
Whitehead, Peter, eighth Master, 

75 ; whether a Master of Arts, 

75 ; a Proctor of Civil Law, 75 ; 

a painful schoolmaster, 77 ; 

why appointed, 76 ; resigns, 77 
Will of Anthony Howkins, 390 
Will of John Howkins, 391 
Will of Lawrence Sheriffe, 353 
Wills, T. W., 328 
Wilmot, Sir H. S., 282 
Wilmot, Sir John, draws up scheme 

for new Constitution, 121 
Wilson, J. M., 300 
4 Winchester Knots,' 216 
Winter, J. P., 282 
Wise, H., 170 
Wolff, Sir H. D., 281 
Wood, Rose, formerly wife of John 

Vincent, 48 ; marries Roger 

Wood, 48; refuses to pay her 



rent, 51 ; condemned to pay 
costs and arrears, 52 ; tenant 
under Henry Clerke, 56 ; pays 
her arrears, 57 ; private agree- 
ment with Greene, 58 ; death, 70 
Wooll, John, twenty-first Master, 
third Head-master, 192; cha- 
racter, 192, 193, 212, 215 ; num- 
bers in school, 194 ; establishes 
prizes, 194 ; resigns, 207 ; Uni- 

versity honours of his pupils, 


Work under James, 139 
Wratislaw's boarding-house, 180 
Writing-master, 130 
Wynch, C. G., 283 

YARDLEY, W., 328 
Yates, H. T. S., 326 


Edinburgh &> London